To sell or not to sell

Editorials in the state’s major papers over the last few days are asking that voters and legislators keep an open mind on the governor’s “asset monetization” proposal, asking that critics hold their fire until the governor puts a plan on the table.

The Record, for instance, calls legislators’ attempts to block the plan — essentially a privatization of state assets — premature and “flat-out wrong.”

They have decided they are dead set against the sale or lease of a major highway or other asset before they even know what the Corzine administration will come up with.

Their premature opposition is a disservice to the public. It threatens to kill the proposal for an asset sale before it has even been made.

Of course, that’s the game plan. The idea of selling off the Turnpike is dangerous at the very least, raising the specter of some unregulated business raising tolls and shirking on maintenance, leaving the state’s drivers holding the bag for years.

The Record admits that

there are serious, legitimate concerns about the notion of giving a private company control of any major highway or other state asset. Would tolls rise unreasonably high? Would the highway be properly maintained?

Most important, would an asset sale benefit the state over the long run, or would it bring only temporary relief that would lead the state into a deeper fiscal hole in the future?

These concerns need to be fully debated. But it is impossible to debate a proposal that doesn’t yet exist.

The Asbury Park Press also remains skeptical, but is open to some options,

such as the sale of naming rights and air rights — developing the empty space above state properties — and the use of financial techniques to generate regular income from state assets. None of the alternatives should involve ceding control over the assets, such as the roadways, which would hurt commuters most with nonstop toll increases.

And it wants voters to have the final say — which only seems reasonable, given what may end up being proposed.

Let’s be fair here. “Asset monetization” is a dangerous gamble, as I said. Handing off public assets, even if safeguards are built into the contract, means handing off control. You can’t have it both ways.

I wouldn’t take the proposal off the table, necessarily, but before anyone can take this discussion seriously, the governor has to show the state that there are no other options. The governor says that voters will not stand for an income tax hike. My answer is: Let’s ask them. He says they won’t stand for service cuts: Explain the potential cuts and then ask them whether they can live with them.

If, in the end, “asset monetarization” is the only way to stave off financial ruin, then we can talk about it.

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The Blog of South Brunswick
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A dangerous infectionon the body politic

A very good investigative report in The Star-Ledger today asks the question: “Did ‘800-lb. gorillas’ sit on property tax reform?”

The story details the money spent by a variety of special interests to point the tax reform effort in directions that would benefit them, or at least not hurt them much.

Lobbying reports released yesterday show groups with the biggest stake in
property tax reform spent more than $1.9 million last year to influence lawmakers. At the same time, key legislators extracted nearly $569,000 in campaign contributions from the same groups.

Labor unions, the New Jersey Business and Industry Association, engineering firms — all tossed in quite a bit of change to stymie the reform efforts.

Which underscores an important reality. Real reform is unlikely unless we can reform the campaign finance system. The proposed clean elections pilot — a rather weak extension of 200’s badly flawed pilot — is not enough. A much more extensive pilot — covering at least six districts and including the primaries and third parties, as proposed by the clean elections committee — needs to be tried, with a promise of a full-legislative program being put in place by the next Assembly election.

Without it, all budgetary and tax reform efforts — along with needed consumer, environmental and labor reform legislation — will be hijacked by money.

Don’t believe me? Ask Matt Shapiro, an unpaid lobbyist for New Jersey’s 1 million tenants who was quoted in the Ledger story:

“Had we been a group that made large campaign contributions, we would have had more access,” Shapiro said. “We’ve had conversations, but we were not legitimately a part of that process.”

Any questions?

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The Blog of South Brunswick
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Cheney’s Nixon moment

I really long for the days when political satire on Saturday Night Live had that nasty edge. How wonderful would a young Dan Ackroyd be as a seething, angry and irrationally dangerous.

I was struck by this image as I read this post from Glenn Greenwald on his Unclaimed Territory blog on Salon:

Since the smashing repudiation his party suffered at the hands of the American voter in the 2006 midterm elections, Dick Cheney’s behavior has become palpably more secretive, combative, and scornful. The embittered interview he gave to Wolf Blitzer was the most vivid, but far from the only, instance. He seems to harbor such scorn for the democratic process that he literally no longer cares whether the answers he gives to reporters’ questions even make any sense.

Ackroyd’s debased and demented Nixon, right?

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Runner’s diary, Wednesday

Today I opened things up a bit, pushing four miles in about 35:40 (overall I ran about four and a half miles) and feeling real good afterward. That was a big difference compared to the last two days when I labored some.

Unfortunately, I’m probably off the road now until Monday (unless I can get a half hour in on Saturday) because of a funeral.

Today’s iPod: The Hold Steady’s fine 2006 release, Boys and Girls in America

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick
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