Wait ’til next year

New Jersey Policy Perspective is calling the state’s latest budget a “Band-Aid” budget. And he’s right. In an op-ed on Sunday by Jon Shure in The Record and again in an e-mail “alert,” Shure and NJPP pretty much lay out the issues that the governor and Legislature delayed dealing with, in particular the structural deficit, the pension deficit and the dubious fiscal legacies of Govs. Whitman and McGreevey.

Overall, the budget was designed with November’s election in mind:

The kind of budget this would be was established back in February when the governor set a relatively low bar by saying he wasn’t about to ask legislators to make a heavy lift in a year when every seat in the Assembly and state Senate is up for election.

Next year will be different.

By the next budget season, lawmakers should have acted on Corzine’s soon-to-be-announced “asset monetization” plan for filling the deficit hole (or whatever is proposed if that doesn’t fly) and vetted a new school-funding formula, among other things.

We can expect a far more contentious and controversial round of budgeting. And that’s not necessarily a bad thing. Debating priorities and finding honest ways to pay for them can be messy. But in the long run, that’s better than denial.

Next year, New Jersey’s budgeteers should be judged by how much courage and vision they show — not how fast they can finish.

This year, well, let’s just hope the Band-Aid is enough to staunch teh bleeding.

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Murdoch, Dow Jonesand the South Brunswick taxpayer

I tink Paul Krugman is correct about the potential sale of Dow Jones and The Wall Street Journal to Rupert Murdoch and News Corp. It will be a dark day for journalism if it happens.

It also could create issues in South Brunswick, where Dow Jones has its headquarters and a major regional printing plant. (And ramifications for my own financial security — my wife works there.) Should Murdoch opt to layoff large numbers of Dow Jones employees, close the Kilgore facility (named for the father of the Packet’s publisher) or severely alter its use, it could cause a change in its tax valuation and reduce the amount it has to pay for taxes. At one time — I don’t have the current numbers — Dow Jones was paying 2 cents of every tax dollar collected by the township. That’s not chump change by any means. If its tax payments are cut, then the rest of us who live in South Brunswick will have to pick up the rest of the tab.

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A step backward on equality

The Bush Supreme Court — as I mentioned in a short post yesterday — is shaping up as a dangerous group of mostly men intent on reversing the civil and human rights advances gained through the hard work and effort of people like Thurgood Marshall and martin Luther King Jr.

The court yesterday offered a decision in two school integration cases, decisions that The New York Times called “a sad day for the court and for the ideal of racial equality.”

Since 1954, the Supreme Court has been the nation’s driving force for integration. Its orders required segregated buses and public buildings, parks and playgrounds to open up to all Americans. It wasn’t always easy: governors, senators and angry mobs talked of massive resistance. But the court never wavered, and in many of the most important cases it spoke unanimously.

Yesterday, the court’s radical new majority turned its back on that proud tradition in a 5-4 ruling, written by Chief Justice John Roberts. It has been some time since the court, which has grown more conservative by the year, did much to compel local governments to promote racial integration. But now it is moving in reverse, broadly ordering the public schools to become more segregated.

The LA Times echoed its New York counterpart, saying the decision “the court has dishonored its spirit.”

There are a number of troubling aspects to this ruling, including the way it foreshadows what is likely to come from this regressive court, as the NY Times points out:

Chief Justice Roberts, who assured the Senate at his confirmation hearings that he respected precedent, and Brown in particular, eagerly set these precedents aside. The right wing of the court also tossed aside two other principles they claim to hold dear. Their campaign for “federalism,” or scaling back federal power so states and localities have more authority, argued for upholding the Seattle and Louisville, Ky., programs. So did their supposed opposition to “judicial activism.” This decision is the height of activism: federal judges relying on the Constitution to tell elected local officials what to do.

So, it is likely that Brown will not be the only precedent at which the conservative majority will take aim, though they will use the language of the precedent to create the impression they are respecting it.

So, perhaps the best thing we can do is to follow Eugene Robinson‘s suggestion:

We need to realize that for the foreseeable future any progress our increasingly diverse country makes toward fairness and equality will come in spite of the nation’s highest court, not because of it.

The court, he said, “does not consider promoting racial diversity in the nation’s public schools to be a particularly worthy goal.” But, so long as President George W. Bush or someone who shares his ideology is allowed to pack the courts — both the Supreme Court and the lower courts — these are the kind of decisions we can expect.

So, as the Baltimore Sun editorialized today:

(A)nyone who thinks that presidential elections only count for four years or that Supreme Court appointments don’t matter much should pay closer attention as the Roberts’ court, with its tendency to cut back on established minority rights, comes into its own.

The only answer is to organize and vote.

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Where is Gore when we need him?

Anyone who still thinks there is no difference between the two parties at the national level need only read this short overview of President George W. Bush’s choice as chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court.

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