The wrong debate

This story in today’s Washington Post — which is pointedly and beautifully deconstructed by Ken Silverman — purports to even-handedly review the likely mode of attack that will be taken by Republicans in teh fall should Barack Obama hold on and win the nomination.

The question is whether Obama is too liberal or, at the very least, he can be painted as being too liberal. Silverman says we can expect more of this during the general election campaign, and I think he’s right.

But I also think the Democrats over the years have allowed the question to be framed for them, allowed the word liberal to be turned into an epithet.

The Post story points to “liberal” losers — Walter Mondale, Michael Dukakis, John Kerry — ignoring important elements of those campaigns. Mondale may have been a liberal — the only one of the three that fits the traditional definition, I would argue — but he also was running against one of history’s most popular presidents. To ignore this is to ignore history and to alter the meaning of the 1984 election.

The Dukakis loss came about because of a combination of factors: the shadow of the Reagan era, Dukakis’ inept campaign (remember the tank?), Willie Horton and, yes, his being painted as a liberal governor of a liberal state. Did he lose because he was liberal? I’ll let the reader decide.

As for John Kerry, he ran a disasterous campaign, frittering away any chance he had by not addressing the Swiftboat controversy and by attempting to out-Bush Bush on the war. And he still managed to get within a couple of percentage points.

I think Blue Texan, writing on Firedog Lake, offers an interesting take on this. Writing about Hillary Clinton’s use of the liberal slur, Blue Texan writes

When was the last time you heard a Republican accuse another of being “too conservative”? For that matter, when was the last time you heard a Democratic candidate use that as an attack on a Republican? Right, never. There’s a reason for that, and it’s not an accident. It’s the result of years and years of a disciplined and sustained branding effort by the GOP.

The thing that amazes me is that nearly every public opinion poll on the issues shows that voters support what are considered to be traditional liberal policies — on health care, on the economy, etc. And yet, we still have one side running away from its own base, allowing the other to frame the campaign’s talking points and establish the general rhetorical tone.

My advice: The Democrat should run as a Democrat and the Republican as a Republican. Let Obama — or Clinton — push universal healthcare, (an unfortunately limited) withdrawal from Iraq, a bailout for homeowners, public works and a rollback of the Bush tax cut; let McCain call for a thousand-years war, offer nothing on healthcare and push tax cuts as the sole solution to the economy.

Basically, stop running from the liberal label.

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Pressuring Democrats on the war

Chris Hedges, on Truthdig, expresses a level of frustration and disgust with the presidential candidates — especially the Democrats — on the war in Iraq and militarism that I can understand. Five years in and the war still rages. Republican John McCain talks of an extended military campaign, while Democrats Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton speak of an extended presence in Iraq.

But I’m not sure that his prescription is the right one.

Those of us who oppose the war, who believe that all U.S. troops should be withdrawn and the network of permanent bases in Iraq dismantled, have only two options in the coming presidential elections—Ralph Nader and Cynthia McKinney. A vote for any of the Republican and Democratic candidates is a vote to perpetuate the occupation of Iraq and a lengthy and futile war of attrition with the Iraqi insurgency. You can sign on for the suicidal hundred-year war with John McCain or for the nebulous open-ended war-lite with Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama, or back those who reject the war.

He says Democratic voters need to be honest about what their votes might accomplish — i.e., that the results will change nothing on the ground in Baghdad.

But the results of this election will matter. The eight-year presidency of George W. Bush proves that a mediocre liberal is better than a conservative anytime. Basically, my concern is that voting for Nader (which I did in 1996 and 2000) or McKinney would turn the election over to McCain. And as flawed as both Obama and Clinton are as candidates, a McCain presidency would be a disaster. The Arizona senator is, as either Howard Fineman or Jonathan Alter said on Countdown (I can’t remember which), not a “detail man” and he has shown a bloodthirstiness on matters of war that should give more than pause to the folks I’ve talked with who see him as less likely to do something stupid than the Democrats.

And then there are the domestic issues, of which he has interest — especially health care and poverty.

Not that the Democrats are likely to make the kind of major changes in government needed, but at least they are talking about expanding healthcare and making some noises about the war.

I agree with Hedges that the war is a moral issue, but electoral politics requires that we temper our moral expectations with pragmatism. Allowing the Democrats to continue the war while drawing it down certainly falls far short of the goal, but given the options it is not nearly as bad as it could be. Ethics sometimes requires a balancing act. That is the case here. When I weight my difference with Obama and Clinton against my fear of what a McCain presidency might sow on the international stage, I only can come to one conclusion: to vote against McCain and hope that those of us who oppose the war can convince Obama or Clinton to do the right thing.

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There’s reality and then there’s cable news

Response to the Obama speech on race and the entire Wright affair appears more nuanced and varied than the TV shows are portaying — at least according to this CBS News poll.

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The Wright question

E.J. Dionne Jr. asks an important question — the right question, as far as I’m concerned — about the Barack Obama and Jeremiah Wright: “Is he as far outside the African American mainstream as many of us would like to think?”

The answer, as Obama said on Tuesday, is no. And we ignore this reality at the nation’s peril because we can not find unity and move forward without acknowledging this.

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