The chances for reformin the election’s wake

A bit of a surprise, but not a lot of newspaper commentary today on the election. There were a few, however, worth noting:

Tom Moran in The Star-Ledger outlines how the change in Republican Senate members might alter the party’s relationship to the majority, especially because folks like Bill Baroni and Kevin O’Toole have been pushing the ethics reform issue. The idea — and it makes some sense — is that the GOP might be willing to forgo partisanship and work with the governor on real reforms, with Democrats like John Adler and Barbara Buono then playing maverick to force change.

To see how this might play out, look at the prospects for ethics reform, the albatross around the Democratic Party’s neck.

Democrats tried to release some pressure by enacting weak reforms earlier this year on dual officeholding and campaign finance reform. Gov. Jon Corzine says he wants more, and will push hard for it this year.

As it happens, Republicans agree with him. It’s the Democratic leaders in the Legislature who are blocking the tougher reforms.So look for the new senators to pounce on this in a way the old guard did not. They will offer the governor support, and challenge him to get his own troops in line. They will seek Democratic defections so they can force a floor vote on the reforms, even if Senate President Richard Codey tries to block it. They will hold news conferences and town meetings to push the cause.

“We will use whatever tactics we need to use,” Baroni said. “In this campaign, they stood up and said they want reform. Well, now is the time.”

I hope he’s right. The reforms that were adopted were absurdly weak and there is a lot of difficult work to be done — and not just on ethics.

As Charles Stiles in The Record points out, the Democrats have some advantages that they should use to take some chances and make some real headway on the budget.

The new Democratic majority now has enormous advantages — strong majorities in both houses, which include a new generation of freshman lawmakers. The Democrats also have a governor with strong approval ratings, while New Jersey Republicans are bereft of cash and saddled with George Bush and an unpopular war in Iraq.

Instead of taking a risk-free path to the next election cycle, the Democrats should reconsider their priorities and put forward a progressive, family-oriented agenda — universal health care, a more equitable school funding formula, an energy policy that weighs consumer and environmental concerns with business needs — that could set the stage for Democratic Party control for the next decade. Stop worrying about campaign contributions. They will come.

“We know what the problems are. We know some of the baseline initiatives to be taken,” said former Democratic Gov. Jim Florio. He noted that Corzine has already laid out the foundation of change, with commissions evaluating health care, school funding and energy reform — even though they barely got a mention on the campaign trail.

“Now is the time to deal with them,” Florio said. “I think the Legislature is ready to do it. I think the Legislature will be prepared.”

I would hope so. It is interesting that Stiles quotes Florio — my sense is that the former governor has remained unpopular, but that his stock has grown significantly among people who understand the state’s problems. If the state had followed his plan at the time — not a perfect plan, admittedly — the school funding debate maybe taking a different form and perhaps we wouldn’t be faced with some of the structural problems created by his immediate successors.

The chances of anything real happening, though, depend primarily on Gov. Corzine. If he shows a willingness to go to the mat on ethics and fiscal reform — something he lacked the stomach for during his first two years in office — then we will see major reforms take place. If he continues to play footsie with the traditional Democratic powerbrokers, then all bets are off and he will find himself facing a far tougher re-election fight than he probably should face.

Which brings up another point — one that could also derail reform. Gov. Corzine is up for re-election in 2009 — as are all 80 members of the new Assembly. Election politics have the very real potential to color everything that is to come in the next two years. If it does, change will not occur.

(By the way, my analysis of why the anger and disaffection in the state did not translate to gains for the GOP will be in tomorrow’s South Brunswick Post and Friday’s Cranbury Press.)

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I vote for blue

Wally Edge raises an interesting question about the upcoming mid-term election:

If Democrats are successful in bucking the trend of mid-term elections going against the party that controls the governorship, as they were four years ago, it might be a signal of just how blue a state New Jersey has become — or evidence that Larry Bartals’ 2001 redistricting map was, as the GOP claims, truly one-sided.

He lists the last three decades of mid-term results, showing that the party that controlled the governorship has historically lost seats.

I have two issues with his analysis. First, the Florio mid-term and the first Byrne mid-term occurred at times when the electorate was teed off over new taxes. The backlash that created had a lot to do with those results.

My other issue is one of time: Going back 30-plus years is rather meaningless given the drastic demographic changes that have taken place.

I have another theory, however. The Florio mid-term was actually an aberration based on his unpopular tax plan, as was the election of Christie Whitman as governor (she eaked out a win over Floiro and then barely held on against Jim McGreevey — the two smallest margins of victory in memory). Whitman’s first win was a function of lingering anger over Florio, while her second win, I think, came courtesy of her incumbency and little else.

Using these suppositions — and that’s all they are — as a baseline, and adding the recent blue votes in presidential races (and the fact that there has not been a Republican U.S. senator from New Jersey since the Carter administration), one could make the argument that a different trend is in play: That the GOP is slowly disintegrating, consistently losing seats regardless of who is in the governor’s seat.

I’m no political scientist, but this is as plausible a description of the New Jersey political landscape as any other.

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Wait ’til next year

New Jersey Policy Perspective is calling the state’s latest budget a “Band-Aid” budget. And he’s right. In an op-ed on Sunday by Jon Shure in The Record and again in an e-mail “alert,” Shure and NJPP pretty much lay out the issues that the governor and Legislature delayed dealing with, in particular the structural deficit, the pension deficit and the dubious fiscal legacies of Govs. Whitman and McGreevey.

Overall, the budget was designed with November’s election in mind:

The kind of budget this would be was established back in February when the governor set a relatively low bar by saying he wasn’t about to ask legislators to make a heavy lift in a year when every seat in the Assembly and state Senate is up for election.

Next year will be different.

By the next budget season, lawmakers should have acted on Corzine’s soon-to-be-announced “asset monetization” plan for filling the deficit hole (or whatever is proposed if that doesn’t fly) and vetted a new school-funding formula, among other things.

We can expect a far more contentious and controversial round of budgeting. And that’s not necessarily a bad thing. Debating priorities and finding honest ways to pay for them can be messy. But in the long run, that’s better than denial.

Next year, New Jersey’s budgeteers should be judged by how much courage and vision they show — not how fast they can finish.

This year, well, let’s just hope the Band-Aid is enough to staunch teh bleeding.

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A foolish proposal

This just smacks of political opportunism — and seems fiscally foolish, given the dire straits of the state’s finances. Taking any revenue stream and directing it toward a dedicated expense can only create problems down the road.

But then, this is the staet group of legislators who have shown little political courage in tackling the problem over the years.

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The Blog of South Brunswick
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