Not as stimulating as we’d hopede

Don’t expect a stimulus bill anytime soon — or rather, a stimulus bill that does what it’s supposed to do.

A Senate compromise bill expected to win approval Tuesday tilts the legislation away from the kinds of programs needed to soften the economic body blows, keep states afloat and put a little bit of cash in the pockets of middle-class Americans toward the failed policies of the past.

The bill is better than anything we might have expected from the Bush administration, but the compromise reached in an effort to bring several GOP moderates on board makes it far inferior to the lan approved by the House.

From The New York Times:

The price tag for the Senate plan is now only slightly more than the $820 billion cost of the measure adopted by the House. Both plans are intended to blunt the recession with a combination of tax cuts and government spending on public works and other programs to create more than three million jobs.

But the competing bills now reflect substantially different approaches.

The House puts greater emphasis on helping states and localities avoid wide-scale cuts in services and layoffs of public employees.

The Senate cut $40 billion of that aid from its bill, which is expected to be approved Tuesday. The Senate plan, reached in an agreement late Friday between Democrats and three moderate Republicans, focuses somewhat more heavily on tax cuts, provides far less generous health care subsidies for the unemployed and lowers a proposed increase in food stamps.

To help allay Republican concerns about the cost, the Senate proposal even scales back President Obama’s signature middle-class tax cut. The Senate plan also creates $30 billion in tax incentives to encourage Americans to buy homes and cars within
the next year.

Josh Marshall, on Talking Points Memo, offers a pretty fair summary of what happened this week:

So Senate Republicans invoked the threat of a filibuster. And the ‘centrist’ group has leveraged that threat to add more tax cuts that won’t accomplish anything and cut out a lot of spending that would.

John Nichols, in The Nation, sounded a mournful note in considering the trade offs that appear to have won “the votes of two Republican (Maine’s Susan Collins and Pennsylvania’s Arlen Specter) and perhaps another (Mainer Olympia Snowe) that were needed to undermine the threat of a GOP filibuster,” a deal in which Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid “surrendered $86 billion (in) proposed stimulus spending.”

In doing so, the Democrats agreed to cut not just fat but bone, and to warp the focus and intent of the legislation.

The Senate plan is dramatically more weighted than the House bill toward tax cuts (which account for more than 40 percent of the overall cost of the package). This is despite the fact that there is a growing consensus — among even conservative economists and policy makers — that tax cuts will do little or nothing to stimulate job creation in a country that lost almost 600,000 positions in January alone. As French President Nicolas Sarkozy, no liberal, said Friday of countries that opt for tax cuts rather than stimulus: The approach “will bring them nothing” in the way of economic regeneration.

The Senate’s increased emphasis on tax cuts comes at the expense of the aggressive spending in key areas that might actually get a stalled economy moving.

Spending for school construction that would actually have put people to work — while at the same time investing in the future — has been slashed. (Almost $20 billion slated for school construction is gone.)

Money for Superfund cleanup, Head Start and Early Start child care, energy efficiency initiatives and historic preservation projects — all of which create or maintain existing jobs — has been cut. Supplemental transportation funding has been hacked.

The House’s proposal to help unemployed Americans maintain their health benefits has been chopped down.

Ouch. Nichols continues:

In every sense, the Senate plan moves in the wrong direction.

At a time when smart economists are saying that a bigger, bolder stimulus plan is needed, Senate Democrats and a few moderate Republicans have agreed to a
smaller, weaker initiative.

And Republicans are still delaying passage. It could be Sunday, even Monday, before a vote is taken. And who knows what more will be lost — in time and stimulus spending before President Obama signs a bill.

These are the fruits of bipartisan fantasies and the compromises that follow upon them. President Obama, who should have been on television addressing the nation and doing everything in his power to rally support for a sufficient stimulus plan, will be lucky if he gets anything by the President’s Day deadline he set. (Even after the Senate measure passes, a difficult process of reconciling the very different House and Senate bills must take place. Then there will be more votes before any legislation gets to the president’s desk.)

The White House still wants to advance this measure, as do Senate Democratic leaders. And, considering the urgency of the moment, they are probably right to try to do something. But if the final “stimulus package” proves to be insufficient to jump start the economy — and if what is left of public confidence in the prospect of turnaround collapses as a result — this Friday night compromise will be remembered with pained regret.

The working life

Early in the morning factory whistle blows,
Man rises from bed and puts on his clothes,
Man takes his lunch, walks out in the morning light,
It’s the working, the working, just the working life.

— Bruce Springsteen
“Factory”

New Jersey once was a manufacturing mecca. Led by the urban northeast, in particular, Paterson, and the cities along the Delaware River, the state made everything from bandages and bologna to wallboard and water pipes.

Those days are over, with a handful of manufacturing plants with large workforces giving way to lightly staffed distribution centers or closing altogether

Among the most recent to go — closing date Feb. 12 — is the Griffin Pipe Products Co. in Florence. The plant, which opened in 1959, manufactured piping used in housing construction.

A report on NJ.com said that the “Illinois-based Griffin Pipe Products Co. announced it would extend a previously announced two-month layoff period permanently, leaving scores of workers without jobs at the Florence plant on West Front Street come Feb. 12.”

Management would not confirm the number of layoffs but a union representative said more than 170 workers were affected.

“This was an extremely painful decision and action to take,” a company statement read, citing the failing housing market and decreased demand for the ductile iron pipe used in construction as reasons for the downsizing. “Our Florence employees are our top priority at this point.”

A small number of workers, fewer than 20, will be kept on to help run the distribution center that will replace the iron pipe manufacturing operation, but even the promise of full-time employment is of little comfort to those losing their original, often well-paying jobs.

Of course, all decisions like this are painful — but far less so for the people making them. The people feeling the pain are the ones who will be forced to look for work next week — some of whom have been at the Florence factory for decades.

“I’ve worked here for 37 years, but now I’m being downgraded and displaced to a lower-paying job,” said John Richardson, a maintenance engineer from Trenton. Due in part to his seniority, Richardson will not lose his job next Thursday like so many, but will take a major salary cut when he moves to the new shipping department.

There is fear among workers, according to the story, though some are hoping that “President Obama’s proposed economic stimulus plan will reignite the country and state’s demand for iron pipes.”

But Mr. Richardson isn’t so sure.

He expresses bitterness toward the company he believes is turning its back on hardworking, longtime employees.

“This company made profits this year, but they’re still closing down. I’ll be here, but some of these guys are not going to make it,” he said. “What would happen if I did get laid off? I’m 59 years old. Who would hire a guy who’s 59 years old?”

And yet, we still don’t have a stimulus plan, because Senate Republicans — and make no mistake, it has been held up by Republicans pushing the false promise of a tax-cut led recovery — refuse to budget. Some cracks may be forming — the two Maine senators, Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins, arguably the most moderate of the remaining GOP members, are working with Democrat Ben Nelson to pare things back, though though it is too early to know what that will mean in practice.

A series of procedural votes Wednesday may offer some hints, but it is difficult to say.

In a series of votes on amendments to the bill on Wednesday evening, Senate Democrats easily beat back a number of efforts by Republicans to vastly change the stimulus measure by stripping out spending programs and broadening the tax cuts.

In a number of those votes, the Democrats were joined by Ms. Collins and Ms. Snowe, as well as Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania and George V. Voinovich of Ohio.

The president is still pushing his plan and is considering a Monday night address should the stimulus remain stalled. He contiues to express a “willingness to compromise,” but he has “warned critics of the stimulus bill that they were standing in the way of his agenda, and he urged Congress to act fast.”

“I’ve heard criticisms of this plan that echo the very same failed theories that helped lead us into this crisis, the notion that tax cuts alone will solve all our problems, that we can ignore the fundamental challenges like energy independence and the high cost of health care and still expect our economy and our country to thrive,” he said.

“I reject that theory,” Mr. Obama continued, “and so did the American people when they went to the polls in November and voted resoundingly for change. So I urge members of Congress to act without delay.”

But, as Big Tent Democrat writes on Talk Left, writes

Fred Hiatt and the WaPo Editorial Board and the typical Beltway “bipartisan” BSers not only feel no sense of urgency — they simply have no grasp of the magnitude of the problem

which really should not be a surprise.

Rome is burning and the Neros of the Beltway insist on fiddling to no effect. Today’s jobs report is expected to show another half million jobs lost in January. But the Beltway wants “hearings.” Disgraceful.

Yes. Disgraceful.

This cartoon from Mr. Fish on Truthdig sums up where we are and where we may be going:

***

In the House vote, by the way, Congressmen representing the towns covered by Princeton Packet Group papers split, with Democrats Rush Holt and John Adler voting yes and Republicans Leonard Lance and Chris Smith voting no.

A political full-court press

The first few weeks of the Obama administration, from a progressive perspective, have been mixed. Forget the failed appointment of Tom Daschle — that is a minor hiccup, as Rachel Maddow pointed out last night — and consider the actual policies:

  • Telling the EPA to stop sitting on California’s request for an emissions waiver so that the state and 12 others can impose much harsher requirements on auto.
  • Ordering the closing of the Guantanamo prison and rebuking the Bush administration’s stance on torture.
  • Reversing a policy that banned international groups that received U.S. aid from even discussing abortion.
  • Including not only roads and bridges in his stimulus plan, but also green technologies, expanded broad-band access, new schools and aid for homeowners to make their homes more energy efficient.
  • Passing the expansion of SCHIP.

On the other hand, he has allowed the GOP to control the debate over the stimulus and peopled his cabinet with old Clinton hands and Republicans — essentially, the very people who got us into the economic mess we’re in.

As I’ve written, there are two Obamas — the progressive-leaning, former community organizers and the cautious conciliator. This internal conflict makes it imperative that progressives (liberals, lefties, etc. — whatever it is you want to call us) apply pressure.

It is what David Sirota, who has become one of the more indispensable bloggers out there, calls

“The Make Him Do It” Dynamic – that is, how congressional progressives – with the help of the progressive movement – were having success pushing President Obama to take much stronger stands on issues than he seems inclined to take.

It is exactly the kind of active engagement that the liberals avoided during the 1990s, allowing a Democratic president to drift to the right and marginalize his own party’s populist and progressive elements.

Whereas, Clinton-era disengagement resulted in the “end of welfare as we know it,” a Draconian crime bill, NAFTA and so-called reform of the telecommunications, banking and insurance industries (really nothing more than deregulation), Obama-era engagement already is having its successes.

Consider this news:

The Obama administration outlined plans today to tighten restrictions on executive compensation for future recipients of federal aid under the government’s financial rescue program, but the large majority would be able to opt out of most of the limits.

Companies that take the largest chunks of help would face mandatory restrictions on compensation for their senior executives: no more than $500,000 in salary, and no additional compensation other than shares of the company’s stock that can only be redeemed after the government investment is repaid.

Those same rules, however, would be voluntary for most recipients of government aid. Companies could waive the restrictions by informing shareholders.

The rules are part of a broader effort by the Obama administration to address mounting public anger over the government’s efforts to rescue firms at the heart of the economic crisis.

This is, as David Sirota points out, a major about face for the administration, which had said publicly that it opposed such limits. So what happened?

Sirota, who has become one of the most indispensable of bloggers, points to engagement of real progressives and a grassroots push that forced moderates like U.S. Sen. Claire McCaskill (D-Mont.) to start singing populist tunes. U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), for instance, has been getting regular facetime on the issue, which has helped inject populist sentiment into the coverage.

This is a huge victory for the progressive movement, and augurs well for “The Make Him Do It” Dynamic in the weeks and months ahead.

But only if progressives keep applying pressure and injecting themselves into the public discussion.

This full-court-press approach — lefty populists appearing on TV and forcing their concerns into the debate, labor unions and community groups organizing to catch the ears of their elected representatives — is needed to cut through the TV clutter. The voices of Bernie Sanders, Rep. Dennis Kucinich (D-Ohio), Sen. Sherrod Brown and Rep. Peter Fazio (D-Ore.) are needed on television, along with labor leaders and others to make it clear that there will be a political price to pay for elected officials from both parties if the stimulus fails to get through Congress or gets watered down.

Checks for the hungry

The Democrats — led by Assemblyman Wayne DeAngelo, of Hamilton (pictured) — are pushing a modest measure that could help provide a few extra dollars to the state’s food banks and maybe help keep them in food.

The bill, which would establish a “Community Food Pantry Fund” in the state Department of the Treasury, is a stop-gap measure that should help, but fails to address the larger problems of economic inequality and food insecurity in New Jersey.

That said, giving taxpayers the opportunity to “voluntarily donate a portion of their income tax refund” to the new fund seems sensible. Money donated to the fund, according to a press release from the Assembly Majority office, “would be distributed to community food pantries through the state’s food purchase program. All the money is to be used exclusively to buy food.”

The bill passed the Assembly and awaits review by the Senate Budget and Appropriations Committee.

“The global economic crisis is hitting our state hard and may get worse,” DeAngelo (D-Mercer) said. “People who never thought they would ever visit a food pantry are now relying on them to put food on the table for their families. These are tough times, and anything we can do to make it easier for people to help those less fortunate is a good thing.”

Expecially when there are an “estimated 250,000 new clients … seeking help this year from New Jersey’s food banks.”

That represents a 25 percent increase, and that increase comes with a 20 percent decrease in food supplies and donations.