The New York Times buys into the nonsense being peddled by the president’s Fiscal Commission, calling their proposal a dose of fiscal reality and shared pain — though sharing the pain is far from what this plan would do.
The plan, the Times says,
frankly acknowledges what most politicians are too cowardly to admit — that deficit reduction will require shared sacrifice.
It lays out sensible principles, prominent among them that deficit reduction should start gradually, beginning in 2012, to avoid disrupting the fragile economic recovery. It also affirms the need to protect the most vulnerable Americans and to invest in education, infrastructure and research and development.
Then it does what any successful deficit reduction plan must do: It puts everything on the table, including tax reform to raise revenue and cuts in spending on health care and defense. It even dares to mention the need to find significant savings in Social Security, Medicare and other mandatory programs.
But Social Security is not the problem (minor fixes will address a potential problem in the retirement program that has been blown out of proportion) and the kind of tax reform being proposed is the kind that the people who run our corporate state will appreciate, but that those of us in the middle class will be none too happy about.
The focus should be on addressing healthcare costs — which the Obama health-care plan is supposed to do, but won’t because it left the contours of the for-profit corporate system in place. A single-payer system is what is needed, with less of a focus on high-end technology and more on preventative medicine. But that is another debate.
The issue here is the plan on the table, which is a right-wing economist’s dream come true. As Jeff Madrick, a senior fellow at the Roosevelt Institute, writes on Huffington Post, the radical reduction in the federal income tax rate (the bulk of which would go to top earners) “is simply right wing ideology at work, and has nothing to do with deficit issues.”
To the contrary, the authors are using deficit alarms to present a new tax agenda. Is Obama really going to stand behind it? There is no commonly accepted evidence that current marginal tax rates, or even higher ones, suppress economic growth.
He also is critical of the arbitrary slashing of federal outlays — to 21 percent from an expected 24 percent (and the current 22 percent) and what he calls Draconian (and unnecessary) cuts in debt levels.
Why the reduction? There is no reason at all to do so, except an ideological one: less government is always better. Again, there is no absolutely commonly accepted evidence that higher levels of government suppress growth. Yet the proposal is willing to make painful cuts in programs to meet this spurious goal. And it will leave no room for more public investment.
Third, the proposal’s goal is to reduce debt levels to 60 percent of GDP and eventually 40 percent. To do so requires a deficit on average of 2.2 percent of GDP. Again, there is no evidence that debt levels of 60 percent are better than levels of 70 percent, for example. Reducing the debt levels to 40 percent is simply Draconian. One argument is to keep them low to be able to respond to emergencies, as the nation just did. It would be far better to devote attention to avoiding the extreme emergencies.
The spending cuts, as Madrick points out, will be counterproductive in this broken economy, making it more difficult to address stagnant employment or help those dislocated by the damage done by the very economic elites likely to benefit from its medicine.
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