Now it’s the governor’s turn

Two of the lawmakers who were charged last week in a major statewide sting have announced their resignations. That’s good news, I guess.

Better news would be a major push by Gov. Jon Corzine, state Sen. President Richard Codey and Assembly Speaker Joe Roberts to strengthen the weak ethics reforms they agreed to and that the governor signed last week.

The governor made a mistake when he signed the package of bills. He should have conditionally vetoed the grandfather clause and demanded that the Legislature bring him a full and immediate ban instead. He should have forced legislators to take a position on the issue — either they could have tried to override his veto or the grandfather clause would have died. Either way we would know where everyone stands on it.

I like Corzine generally, but he was elected to clean up Trenton and has instead opted to play the same games that have been played for too long in the state capital. It is time for the governor to step up and use the power of the governor’s office and stop playing around.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

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The disappointing governor

Tom Moran, the state’s best political columnist, explains why so many of us who viewed the election of Jon Corzine to the governorship with hope have been so disappointed. Perhaps he should have let Senate President Richard Codey run and kept his seat in the U.S. Senate, where he had been making a name for himself as a rare voice of reason and liberalism.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

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Expediency’s downward spiral

Perhaps things are darker than we realized here in the great state of New Jersey. I mean, thanks to a decision by then-Gov. Christie Whitman, the state is about $58 billion short in its fund to provide health care to retired workers.

In 1994, New Jersey decided to stop setting aside money in a fund to pay for health care for its retired public workers. The savings paved the way for a big tax cut.

Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of public workers were being told that as long as they worked 25 years, the system would provide virtually free health care for them when they retired, often when they were as young as 55.

No one added up the cost — until now.

It turns out that New Jersey will need about $58 billion, in today’s dollars, to provide all the care it has promised its current and future retirees. That’s nearly twice the state budget and nearly twice the amount of its outstanding debt. And because of the step it took in 1994, the state has virtually no money in reserve to cover those costs.

And….

The portion of the $58 billion that they need to come up with each year will rise sharply because of soaring health costs and a burgeoning population of retirees, according to the New Jersey Treasury. The state will spend about $1.1 billion on this year’s care, and the figure is expected to double in five years.

Meanwhile, the state’s revenues are largely static. That means that unless something changes, New Jersey will have less money each year to pay for vital services like colleges, hospitals and mass transit. Its popular program to preserve green space just fell victim to the need to devote huge amounts to the retirement plans and debt servicing.

You remember 1994, right? The first year of the Whitman administration.

So what happens now?

To create a retiree health fund from scratch, Mr. Goldman estimated, New Jersey would need to start by setting aside $6 billion a year to make up for all the years of no contributions.

That is on top of the pension fund’s pressing needs for new contributions.

Which means….

making more retirees pay for part of their health premiums and by switching retirees into a network of doctors at negotiated fees. Currently, most state retirees can see any doctor. As of 2003, fewer than half the states allowed retirees to do so.

Not exactly the direction health care reform is supposed to take. But then,

the plan to make more state retirees pay part of their premiums had a setback in June. The government agreed to drop it for retirees who signed up for wellness programs, which are supposed to save money by reducing the incidence of preventable diseases.

Meanwhile, retired teachers have dodged the bullet entirely. Their union, the New Jersey Education Association, negotiates contracts with school districts and not with the state, and the state has not asked them to chip in for their premiums.

But have no fear. There is another plan on the table — asset monetization (otherwise known as the sale or lease of the N.J. Turnpike) — though its exact shape and the timetable on which it will be unveiled has yet to be, well, unveiled:

The governor’s advisers had hoped to use the turnpike proceeds to pay down debt or fund the state’s retirement plans. But in June, Mr. Corzine acknowledged that the effort had become a political lightning rod, with his opponents whipping up fear around predictions that that the turnpike would fall into foreign hands.

He said foreign ownership was not in the cards, nor is a sale to a profit-making company. For now, he says he wants more planning and public debate, putting off any way to use the turnpike as a financial resource until after the state legislative elections in November.

“I’m going to fight for it,” the governor said. “The status quo is unacceptable.”

I’m pretty certain that monetization will be unacceptable, as well, leaving us back at square one and the likelihood that major budget cuts and tax hikes are in the offing.

Welcome to New Jersey, the state where political expediency has made a royal mess of things.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

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Wait ’til next year

New Jersey Policy Perspective is calling the state’s latest budget a “Band-Aid” budget. And he’s right. In an op-ed on Sunday by Jon Shure in The Record and again in an e-mail “alert,” Shure and NJPP pretty much lay out the issues that the governor and Legislature delayed dealing with, in particular the structural deficit, the pension deficit and the dubious fiscal legacies of Govs. Whitman and McGreevey.

Overall, the budget was designed with November’s election in mind:

The kind of budget this would be was established back in February when the governor set a relatively low bar by saying he wasn’t about to ask legislators to make a heavy lift in a year when every seat in the Assembly and state Senate is up for election.

Next year will be different.

By the next budget season, lawmakers should have acted on Corzine’s soon-to-be-announced “asset monetization” plan for filling the deficit hole (or whatever is proposed if that doesn’t fly) and vetted a new school-funding formula, among other things.

We can expect a far more contentious and controversial round of budgeting. And that’s not necessarily a bad thing. Debating priorities and finding honest ways to pay for them can be messy. But in the long run, that’s better than denial.

Next year, New Jersey’s budgeteers should be judged by how much courage and vision they show — not how fast they can finish.

This year, well, let’s just hope the Band-Aid is enough to staunch teh bleeding.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick
The Cranbury Press Blog

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