The court and clean elections

Voluntary public financing — a necessity if we are to remove the taint of private money from electoral politics — appears safe in the wake of a U.S. Supreme Court ruling, though I think reform advocates have a right to be concerned.

A close reading of this story in the Asbury Park Press indicates that there are few campaign finance experts in New Jersey who view the court’s ruling as being at odds with the state’s program. The primary “expert” tying the court decision back to the state’s clean-election program is Mike Schrimpf, a flack with the conservative Center for Competitive Politics (is there a greater example of false advertising?), an organization that opposes public financing.

“Rescue funds are primarily designed to level the playing field, and the court explicitly said that the Legislature cannot use the “leveling the playing field’ rationale as a reason to justify campaign-finance laws,” said Michael Schrimpf, a spokesman for the Center for Competitive Politics, which opposes using public funds for elections.

The experts — who come from both parties — take a different view:

Nick Nyhart, president of the Public Campaign Action Fund, said publicly funded elections have withstood court challenges in the past as courts have ruled government can place limits to curb actual or perceived corruption. What may differentiate New Jersey’s program is that the more onerous burden is placed on the candidate who volunteers for the program, not the self-funded one.

In the federal law — known as the millionaire’s amendment, which was inspired by now-Gov. Jon Corzine’s successful run for U.S. Senate in 2000 — the free spender has more reporting requirements while the opponent gets relaxed contribution limits.

“As a candidate, you don’t give anything up in order to get the relaxation of campaign contributions. It’s a pure gift,” Nyhart said. “For candidates who agree to public financing, they do agree to a spending limit and the amount of (rescue) funds are also limited, so certainly a candidate can outspend you.”

Two of New Jersey’s prominent partisan election lawyers agreed.

“If you sign into Clean Elections, you may be entitled to that money as part of a voluntary program — a little different than what’s going on at the federal level,” Republican lawyer Mark Sheridan said.

Another key difference, said Democratic lawyer Angelo Genova, is that New Jersey’s rescue money is awarded on a case-by-case basis with a ruling by the state Election Law Enforcement Commission, not a blanket formula, as the congressional law was written.

The decision does question “whether or not the ability of the publicly financed candidate to seek additional public financing imposes a burden on the self-financed candidate who doesn’t participate in the Clean Elections program,” Genova said. “I think reading this opinion, our program can withstand that scrutiny because it’s dealt with on a case-by- case, and not a formula, basis.”

Time to take the plunge on clean elections

The state Assembly is considering legislation that would extend the state’s clean elections pilot to the 2009 election, expanding it to eight districts. The bill is in many ways better than the earlier pilot programs (more districts, covers primaries, reduces stipends) , though it remains flawed (treats some non-major party candidates differently) and should be amended before being made law.

First, the improvements:

  • primary elections are covered, which should — in theory — allow for competition in one-party districts (those in which one party not only controls both Assembly seats, but in which the minority party offers nothing more than token opposition)
  • members of the Green and Libertarian parties, and other “political group(s)” that are “permitted to register its members by use of a voter registration form or that is named on a political party declaration form approved by the Secretary of State,” would get the same funding that candidates from the two major parties would receive
  • the cost has been reduced per candidate and for the program overall, despite the expansion. Candidates would receive $75,000 each for the primary and the general, while third-party candidates would receive $75,000 for the general and some additional money if they qualified early.

The problem? Basically, independent candidates not connected to a party like the Greens or the Libertarians would be handed less money than affiliated candidates — leaving hopefuls who either want to run on their own or who have no ideological connection to any of the registered parties to battle against not only the difficulty of running an insurgent campaign lacking institutional support but agaisnt funding disparity, as well.

The rationale for this — well, I just can’t see one. A candidate is a candidate is a candidate; while some have better shots at winning, all of the candidates on the ballot should be treated the same and receive the same amount of cash. To do otherwise is to violate the spirit of democratic government.

I have one other criticism, which echoes the critique former state Sen. Bill Schluter made during last week’s hearing — that incremental improvements need to give way to full-fledged reform.

The trouble, as Schluter sees it, is that continuing to conduct pilot programs with a few districts added each time postpones the benefits of Clean Elections indefinitely and makes poor use of the public funds that are committed to it.

“Many believe that the two pilot programs of 2005 and 2007 have given us all the information needed to devise and enter into a full statewide Clean Elections system,” he told the Assembly State Government Committee. “Yet no one seems willing to take a leap of that significance and magnitude.”

He wants a referendum placed on the ballot in November that the state would expand the program to all 40 districts.

He urged the Assembly committee to “craft a proposal for a permanent, 40-district Clean Elections program which applies to all legislators for both primary and general elections, and submit this proposal to the voters at referendum in November 2008 for an up-or-down vote.”

Such a proposal would be supported by the many public-interest groups that have backed the principle of Clean Elections, Schluter predicted. The public “would become knowledgeable and, presumably, engaged” through full discussion of the issue in the media and via a strong public-information campaign. And November’s presidential election should produce a big turnout that would be “ideal.”

“Certainly, this referendum would be a clear indication of how serious New Jerseyans are about reform,” he said. “By putting this issue on the ballot, the public will have the opportunity to decide if paying a reasonable amount to remove special-interest money from campaigns — thereby saving the extra cost that vendors, contractors and professional service organizations charge the state — is a worthwhile investment.
“When put to a vote in both Maine and Arizona, the public answered with a resounding YES. The essence of this strategy is that the public, not the Legislature, would give the program its blessing and would make the tough decision of approving the expenditure necessary for implementation.”

Covering all 40 districts next year would put an end to the controversial job of picking pilot districts, Schluter said. Under A100, the task would be accomplished through a supposedly bipartisan arrangement, but it could well produce the same kind of partisan dissatisfaction that followed the selection of Baroni’s 14th District for the 2007 pilot over the neighboring 12th District.

A favorable referendum vote would make Clean Elections permanent, applying to all legislative races beginning in 2009. “This is especially important for 2011, which is a year of legislative redistricting, a very contentious process,” Schluter said. “It is hard to imagine how the Legislature could successfully address this issue in 2011 if the program and its standards were not already in place.”

Schluter ended his pitch with a challenge. “If Clean Elections is such a good idea with so much public benefit, let’s take the plunge,” he said. “Why procrastinate with halfway measures and more pilots? For those who are afraid that a full statewide Clean Elections initiative is so bold that the people will be offended, they should take comfort in knowing that a referendum will be used to ‘let the people decide.'”

Letting the people decide — an interesting concept that is unlikely to happen, given that the state Legislature rarely asks voters to approve anything it is not required to send to referendum.

Cleaning up the process

The Asbury Park Press takes the same position as we do on an important issue, the extension and possible expansion of the clean elections program.

The Press says

Money for Clean Elections must be included in the budget due July 1 so the program can be expanded to cover the June 2009 primaries — one of the steps needed to improve the program, which last year covered three legislative districts. Funding primaries would encourage newcomers, women and members of minority groups to seek their party’s nomination. That would help break the stranglehold political party bosses have on primaries, which leads to too many uncontested elections with too many familiar faces.

Clean Elections enable candidates to focus on issues rather than fundraising or currying favor with benefactors who expect a return on their investment, either as no-bid government contracts or favorable legislation. That inflates the cost of government and gives undue influence to moneyed interests.

As we explain in our editorial, the program was tried in three districts, including the 14th, and

the program leveled the funding playing field and allowed the seven candidates who qualified to forgo hat-in-hand fundraising and focus on the kind of retail politics that allows them to connect directly with voters.

The program, which the participants said was an important change in the way elections function, was not perfect. But the flaws

should be simple to fix:

  • Third-party candidates should be funded at the same level as their major-party counterparts. Libertarian candidate Jason Scheurer could have received a maximum of $50,000 for his 14th District race, had he qualified for full funding. His major-party opponents all qualified for the maximum of $534,375. If the program is to expand opportunities for third parties, the program has to level the funding.
  • Expand it to the primaries. In many legislative districts — those around Newark, for instance — there is only one functioning party, which means challenges to the status quo tend to occur during the primaries. Challengers, however, rarely have the financial backing of the party’s anointed candidates. Clean elections can help level the funding disparity.
  • Funding levels were set too high and should be reduced. The program under its current format would require a minimum of $24 million just to provide $100,000 in funding to major party candidates during years when senate and assembly seats are on the ballot. That does not take into account the extra funding given to split districts, rescue funds and the potential expansion of the program to the primaries.

But

The Legislature must act quickly, however, because expansion to the primaries will be difficult if the program is not in place before a state budget is approved. A small amount of money could be included in the proposed budget, offset by the elimination of business tax loopholes and other giveaways to industry, to fund the primary portion of the program while a longer-term solution could be put in place beginning with the 2009-2010 budget. A clean elections program is our best chance to break the connection between campaign contributions and public policy and restore the confidence of the people whom our elected officials are supposed to serve.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

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Your money or your vote

The state budget mess appears likely to put an end to an experiment in democracy that really was never given much of a chance in New Jersey.

According to the Record of Hackensack, the budget for the state’s Election Law Enforcement Commission is being cut drastically at a time when its responsibilities are on the rise. That means that some programs could be on the chopping block, including Clean Elections.

This year, amid the state’s fiscal crisis, the agency faces a $750,000 cut in its $4.9 million budget, a reduction that supporters say would hobble a watchdog group they already consider understaffed. ELEC officials say they were blindsided by the fine print of Governor Corzine’s budget, released after his February budget speech.

The agency now has 69 of the 90 employees that legislators approved in 2004 as part of a sweeping ethics package that doubled its work, according to agency officials. ELEC now juggles oversight of lobbyists, government contractors under so-called pay-to-play laws, and public financing programs for state and gubernatorial candidates.

It also continues its traditional oversight of campaign spending: In 2007, the agency collected more than $293,000 in fines from candidates and committee officials who failed to properly file disclosure forms.

“We’re underfunded and don’t have the staff to do the job we’d like to do,” said ELEC analyst Felice Fava, whose job includes training candidates about pay-to-play laws. “Really it’s public disclosure and compliance with these laws that suffer ultimately.”

It’s a question of priorities — do we maintain our watchdogs or allow the wolves to run the henhouse?

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

E-mail me clicking here.