100 days, 100 nights

When exactly did the 100-day mark become such a touchstone for a presidency? Am I right in not remembering the media — newspapers, TV, cable — making this kind of fuss at the 100-day mark of the Clinton of Bush presidencies?

A presidential term is four years long — 1,461 days — and judging a presidency on its first 100 seems absurd. I know that Franklin Roosevelt managed quite a bit in his first 100; John Kennedy’s first 100 were botched. Barack Obama seems to be doing fairly well, even if he is far more of a centrist than many of his supporters realized.

The issue is not where we stand on April 29 — that has more to do with the media’s Roosevelt fetish and its “new FDR” narrative — but where we go between now and the first Tuesday in November 2012. That’s when the Obama presidency can really be judged.

Obama’s torture stance: Tacit endorsement?

Here’s a question that hardcore Obama supporters may not be prepared to answer: Is his unwillingness to investigate or prosecute those involved in torture — including high-level Bush adminsitration officials — leave his administration tacitly approving of practices that he has publicly denounced?

The answer, I think, is an unfortunate yes. The president, who has forcefully denounced torture, nonetheless refuses to engage in what he calls “retribution,” saying that “nothing will be gained by spending our time and energy laying blame for the past.” But, as Jonathan Turley, a constitutional law professor at George Washington University Law School, told Rachel Maddow last week that what would be gained would be a return to the rule of law.

The president, he said, is “equating the enforcement of federal laws that he took an oath to enforce, to uphold the Constitution and our laws … with an act of retribution, and some sort of hissy fit or blame game.”

But,

it‘s not retribution to enforce criminal laws. But it is obstruction to prevent that enforcement and that is exactly what he has done thus far. He is trying to lay the groundwork, to look principled when he‘s doing an utterly unprincipled thing.

There‘s very few things worse for a president to do than to protect accused war criminals, and that‘s what we‘re talking about here. President Obama himself has said that waterboarding is torture. And torture violates at least four treaties and is considered a war crime.

So, the refusal to let it be investigated is to try to obstruct a war crime investigation that put it‘s in the same category as Serbia and other countries that have refused to allow investigations to occur.

The question, beyond this, is what this means in practice down the road. Former Reagan Justice Department official Bruce Fein, writing on The Daily Beast yesterday, called Obama a “political coward dangerous to the republic,” who has “made no effort to square his refusal to investigate credible and substantial evidence of felonies with his constitutional obligation to faithfully execute, not sabotage, the laws.”

He relied solely on politics, as though law was nothing more than a constellation of political calculations with ulterior motives.

This political calculation, unfortunately, will have dangerous longterm impact on our nation.

In sweeping the Bush-Cheney lawlessness under the rug, Obama has set a precedent of whitewashing White House lawlessness in the name of national security that will lie around like a loaded weapon ready for resurrection by any commander in chief eager to appear “tough on terrorism” and to exploit popular fear. Obama urges that the crimes were justified because the duumvirate acted to protect the nation from international terrorism. But Congress did not create a national-security defense to torture or commit FISA felonies.

President Obama should have invoked his pardon power if he believed circumstances justified the crimes by Bush and Cheney and the CIA’s interrogators. A pardon or lesser clemency properly exposes the president to political accountability, as Bush discovered with Cheney’s Chief of Staff Scooter Libby and President Ford with former President Nixon. More significant, a pardon does not set a precedent making lawful what was unlawful. It acknowledges the criminality of the underlying activity, and acceptance of the pardon is an admission of guilt by the recipient.

As Fein says, the lack of official acknowledgement of criminal wrongdoing is going to come back to bite us on the ass.

In defense of pitchforks

Bill Moyers and Michael Winship, writing on Salon.com, offer an eloquent critique of Barack Obama’s efforts on behalf of the American financial system, efforts that have been characterized by a obeisance to Wall Street and the folks who got us into this mess in the first place.

Consider Lawrence Summers, director of the National Economic Council and the president’s chief economic adviser. As Moyers and Winship point out, Summers has earned a lot of money over the years from the firms at the root of the mess, which could explain the meandering and ineffective way in which the president has addressed the crisis in the financial markets (as opposed to his aggressive — though not aggressive enough — approach on the economy as a while). Summers, they write,

was intoxicated by the exotic witches’ brew of derivatives and other financial legerdemain that got us into such a fine mess in the first place. Yet here he is, serving as gatekeeper of the information and analysis going to President Obama on the current collapse.

We have to wonder, when the president asks, “Larry, who did this to us?” is Summers going to name names of old friends and benefactors? Knowing he most likely will be looking for his old desk back once he leaves the White House, is he going to be tough on the very system of lucrative largesse that he helped create in his earlier incarnation as a deregulating treasury secretary? (“Larry?” “Yes, Mr. President?” “Who the hell recommended repealing the Glass-Steagall Act back in the ’90s and opened the floodgates to all this greed?” “Uh, excuse me, Mr. President, I think Bob Rubin’s calling me.”)

That imaginary conversation came to mind last week as we watched President Obama’s joint press conference with British Prime Minister Gordon Brown. When a reporter asked Obama who’s to blame for the financial crisis, our usually eloquent and knowledgeable president responded with a rambling and ineffectual answer. With Larry Summers guarding his in box, it’s hardly surprising he’s not getting the whole story.

Summers, of course, is only part of the problem. There is the ineffectual Timothy Geithner running Treasury, as well, meaning that far too many of the players involved in the creation of the financial house of cards — dating back to the Clinton administration and its role in the deregulation of the industry — are still in place, trying to balance the desire to right the economy with a bias toward protecting their own.

Geithner, at least, is salvagable. I can’t say the same for Summers, who should be dispatched from service and replaced as quickly as possible. It’s not like better, more progressive alternatives aren’t out there. Obama could — should — turn to anyone on this list: Joseph Stiglitz, Paul Krugman, Dean Baker, Sheila Bair, Robert Reich, Leo Hindery, etc. There also are reporters like William Greider at The nation and Gretchen Morgenstern at The New York Times who’s take on the financial collapse is much more in line with the pitchfork-wielding public.

Coddling the bankers is bad policy and bad politics.

New direction in foreign affairs

Maybe I’ve been too harsh on the Obama administration’s foreign policy efforts. While I think his proposal on Iraq can be filed under the heading of “too little” and his Afghanistan plan should go under “too much,” he has signaled a hefty shift in direction by reaching out to Iran, meeting with Russia to talk nuclear weapons and planning to meet with the Chinese.

On the Russia front, for instance, moving beyond President Bush’s silly “look into his eyes and see his soul” approach already is yielding fruit — as this story from The Washington Post makes clear:

President Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev launched negotiations on a new nuclear arms treaty today, even as they agreed to pursue new and broader cooperation across a wide range of policy areas.

In a statement after a closed-door meeting, the two leaders pledged to begin work immediately on a new treaty on offensive nuclear weapons to replace the 2002 Moscow Treaty on Strategic Offensive Reductions, which expires at the end of this year. They committed to reducing their nuclear arsenals to levels lower that those mandated by the START treaty, which calls for both nations to have between 1,700 and 2,200 warheads by Dec. 31, 2012.

“The Presidents decided to begin bilateral intergovernmental negotiations to work out a new, comprehensive, legally binding agreement on reducing and limiting strategic offensive arms,” the statement says. Obama told reporters that he will travel to Moscow in July, the date by which the two leaders said their negotiators should report progress on the new arms reduction treaty.

He also “met Wednesday with British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Chinese President Hu Jintao. The closed-door sessions focused on the global economic crisis, and Obama announced plans to visit China during the second half of this year.”

A joint statement from Obama and Hu after their session said the two nations were launching new strategic and economic dialogues as part of an effort to pursue closer relations. The strategic dialogue will be led by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton for the United States and Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo, the statement said. The economic effort will be led by Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner and Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan.

The statement commits the United States and China to better military-to-military relations and to a resumption of consultation on nuclear nonproliferation and international security. Obama and Hu also pledged to work together to help rescue the world economy and reform the financial regulatory system.

So, to be clear, the Obama administration is making legitimate efforts to ease tensions that have increased in recent years with both Russia and China, is taking a less confrontational approach to Iran and is refocusing on the Israeli-Palestian conflict and the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area.

It is too early to know if any of this will bear fruit or what kind of policies and changes will result, but this new tack certainly is encouraging.