Two is one too many

Leave it to a bunch of politicians to find a way to water down a reform so that it doesn’t apply to them, only to those who will eventually replace them. That’s what has happened to a proposed ban on dual office-holding, which will grandfather in current members of the state Legislature and only apply to new members or those who seek a different office (an Assembly member running for Senate, for instance).

The grandfather clause may have been necessary to garner enough votes (doubtful, but for the sake of argument we’ll allow this to go uncontested), but it certainly was not the right way to go about cleaning up government.

State Sen. Tom Kean Jr. (R-Westfield) wants to change that. Kean, who lost a bruising U.S. Senate race to Robert Menendez, told the Jersey City Reporter that dual office-holding is an “‘absolute conflict of obligations’ that gives certain politicians too much power.”

There are 18 members of the state Legislature who currently hold another elected position — or 15 percent. This does not include the handful of others who serve as school superintendents and in other similar positions. This raises questions about whom they serve first — exactly the point that Kean is trying to make.

David Rebovich, managing director of the Rider University Institute for New Jersey Politics, describes Kean’s arguments this eay on PoliticsNJ:

Kean is interested in consistency, claiming that if the practice is wrong as most legislators apparently believe — after all, they do want to ban it for others — then there is no justification for grandfathering people in except political expediency and favoritism.

Beyond consistency, Kean makes several other arguments for getting rid of the practice. He believes dual office-holding leads to higher property taxes. This is a tricky point. Local officials who are also legislators will fight for more state aid for their communities and school districts. But presumably they will also tolerate more bureaucracy and public employees at the local level because they are part of the establishment there. Kean also notes that dual office-holding concentrates political power among fewer politicians which gives them a large power base from which they can thwart discussions for reform and changes in various policies.

In addition, Kean claims that holding a local and a state office creates conflicts of interest. For example, state legislators may not support policies that are good for the entire state, but not for the local political establishment, because such support may jeopardize reelection to their local office. As such, the system of checks and balances between levels of government can be compromised by dual office-holders. Will mayors who are also legislators support plans for municipal consolidation or merger
that may save taxpayers some money but cost themselves and their political allies their local government posts? Will they empower a state comptroller or other officials to flesh out wasteful and perhaps illegal spending in municipal governments or schools, or will they try to protect these jurisdictions from such scrutiny?

On these terms, the advocacy role played by legislators who are also local officials may undermine the ability of state government to exercise its constitutional authority over substate jurisdictions and to root out inefficient and ineffective policies and programs. Lastly, Kean complains that dual office-holding limits the number of people who can serve in government and its representative quality by making it harder for women and minorities too gain office. More people and different types of people in government typically mean more views expressed and perhaps a livelier, more productive dialogue about policy issues.

I’ve been rather critical of young Kean, especially for the manner in which he attacked Menendez during the campaign, helping to drag an already ugly race deeper into the gutter. But his proposal — that dual office-holders be forced to relinquish one of their elected posts in January 2008 — makes sense. I would strengthen it a bit further, though, disqualifying anyone who holds a management-level public job (school superintendent or assistant superintendent, township manager, sewer authority director, etc.) from holding a legislative office (and a county office in the county in which they work).

It’s time to make them choose.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

A bit of jazz

Slow Trains, an online literary journal, just posted a poem I wrote several years ago called “Boplicity” (it is named for a Miles Davis cut). I think it is my most successful attempt at what I’ll call transliteration of music to word — trying to capture the rhythms and contours of Charlie Parker, Thelonious Monk, Miles Davis and the rest.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

Runner’s diary, Monday

I took it a bit easy today — slight head cold that I don’t want to erupt into full-blown illness. I did manage three miles, though, in 27:27. Overall, I think I’ll downgrade the goal this week to just getting on the treadmill everyday — five days — pushing for a total of 15 miles. Anything more will be gravy.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

The trouble with trucks

State Transportation Commissioner Kris Kolluri is convinced that the state’s truck route hierarchy makes sense. He told the Princeton Packet that portions of some state highways — such as Route 31 in Ewing or Route 9 in Toms River, — have been excluded

because of dimensional conditions, Commissioner Kolluri said Tuesday. He said roadways identified with hazardous bridge clearances or narrow widths, less than 11 feet, cannot handle the larger vehicles.

“It is not a political calculus whether a road is prohibited or not,” Mr. Kolluri said. “My prediction is at the end of this process there will be less trucks not more on Route 206.”

That seems unlikely. The regulations are written in such a way that truckers will be allowed to claim the route they are using is the shortest distance between destinations, allowing them to get around the restrictions on what are really local roadways.

As I said in my Dispatches column yesterday, Routes 27 and 206 are residential and business thoroughfares that were not designed to handle big rigs. That’s why the people in South Brunswick, Franklin, Princeton and Lawrence are so concerned.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

A weak compromise

Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wisc.) explains why the compromise resolution on Iraq may seem to be opposing the president’s surge plan while actually serving to endorse it.

Unfortunately, the new Warner-Levin resolution that many Democrats are pushing is flawed and unacceptable. It rejects the surge, but it also misunderstands the situation in Iraq and endorses the President’s underlying approach. It’s basically a back-door authorization of the President’s misguided policies, and passing it would be a big mistake. Under the guise of constructive criticism, the Warner-Levin resolution signs off on the President continuing indefinite military operations in Iraq that will not address the fundamental political challenges in Iraq, and that continue to distract us from developing a comprehensive and global approach to the threats that face our nation.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick