Wilco is coming, the new Wilco is coming

I can’t wait for this. Really, I can’t wait for this — new Wilco in three months! (Photo of Jeff Tweedy is from WilcoWorld.) Here is the projected song list:

  1. Either Way
  2. You Are My Face
  3. Impossible Germany
  4. Sky Blue Sky
  5. Side with the Seeds
  6. Shake it Off
  7. Please Be Patient With Me
  8. Hate it Here
  9. Leave Me (Like You Found Me)
  10. Walken
  11. What Light
  12. On and On and On

The disc is to be called Sky Blue Sky, and you can bet I’ll be pre-ordering it when the time comes.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick
The Cranbury Press Blog

The ever-changing blogosphere

Salon today has a piece by Joan Walsh that looks at the tension in the blogosphere between the bloggers who see themselves as independent journalists (like yours truly) and those who view themselves as activists or political operatives.

The piece is tied to blog-generated controversies connected to stories run by Salon on Barack Obama and John Edwards.

The short version is this: Salon must be backing Hillary Clinton in the presidential race because of its recent coverage of Barack Obama and John Edwards.

Salon ran three pieces on Obama recently, tough pieces that looked at different elements of Obama’s past and raise questions that are now part of the mainstream debate about Obama (about an early Congressional race and what it says about him, and two that touched on issues of race and identity). Obama’s supporters in the blogosphere saw the pieces as hit jobs and have been responding in what they think is a like manner.

As for the Edwards story — his hiring, then firing, then rehiring a pair of feminist bloggers who have said some controversial things (bloggers say controversial things? Really?) — it was pretty straightforward.

The problem, however, is that the liberal blogosphere, as Walsh calls it, closed ranks.

We weren’t the only people who had solid information that Amanda Marcotte and Melissa McEwan had been told they were leaving the Edwards campaign. But if any bloggers knew, they didn’t report it. The bloggers closed ranks around the Edwards campaign, some even claiming that Salon had gotten the story wrong. There were suggestions, in Salon letter threads as well as in blogger-to-blogger whispers — it was loud; we could hear you! — that we’d peddled misinformation, or perhaps been peddled it, to help Hillary Clinton.

The Edwards tempest raises a series of questions about what blogs are and what role they will and should play as the media moves into the 21st century. Are we looking at a new media paradigm that mirrors the 19th century partisan media in which papers were house organs for candidates and political parties, with blogs shilling for candidates? Are blogs going to be independent media and political watchdogs? Can they be both?

My sense is that there is room for both approaches out there. My goal is to use the Channel Surfing blog — along with the Blog of South Brunswick and The Cranbury Press Blog — to bring more immediate commentary on local issues to readers. I have a set of generally liberal (lefty, progressive, populist — pick an adjective) beliefs, but I make it a point to remain unaligned.

Walsh thinks there is room for both, as well, but there needs to be a greater level of transparency. When is a blogger shilling and when is the same blogger acting independently? In the case of the Edwards story, it appeared as if liberal bloggers were more concerned with protecting their own, with closing ranks, as Walsh said.

This closing of ranks was a bit disturbing — and perhaps as important a story as the right wing’s attacks on the bloggers in the first place. The attacks were absurd and designed to do what right-wing attacks are always designed to do: control debate. Edwards now had to defend himself against a bogus charge of anti-Catholic bias.

Standing up to the attacks was important, but the way in which the blogosphere responded may have done as much to damage its general credibility as the sometimes wacky commentary strewn across cyberspace.

Maybe I’m the one who’s naive, but the whole episode made me wonder: What does it mean if liberal bloggers aren’t warriors for the truth, but rather for candidates? What does it mean for media, and what does it mean for politics? Why did either John Edwards or Amanda Marcotte enter their relationship so seemingly unready for what was likely to happen (assuming anyone in the Edwards camp had read Pandagon)? Either Marcotte would blunt her commentary, and lose the constituency Edwards was attempting to court, or else she’d alienate a whole lot of other people, and Edwards would spend the whole campaign defending her. That was clear to me from the start, and I’m not that smart. Why did anyone assume otherwise?

What did Edwards think he was getting? And what about Marcotte? Lefty bloggers congratulate themselves on being less compromised and corrupted than fancy MSM reporters; on creating a new independent realm of punditry and reporting. Do a lot of them really aspire to flack for a candidate, as well? Of course there are liberal bloggers who seem mainly about independent journalism — Glenn Greenwald, now with Salon, comes to mind, as does Joshua Micah Marshall’s Talking Points Memo and Firedoglake’s coverage of Plamegate — and aren’t looking to hook up with candidates. But others seem comfortable blurring the lines between independent commentary and partisan kingmaking. And while it’s true that journalists have historically gone off to work for politicians, they don’t keep their writing job when they go on the other payroll. Plus, their colleagues and competitors in other media organizations don’t see themselves as having a stake in the former journalist’s new political perch, and thus don’t tend to cheer them on, or look away from exposing problems that might emerge with their new employer.

Meanwhile, what do blog readers think they’re getting? Bloggers are all about transparency, and to be fair, Kos, Armstrong, Bowers and others at MyDD have been “transparent” about their work for candidates (and so was Salon about Peter Daou’s political ties, though when he formally joined the Clinton presidential campaign, we had to separate). But what about other bloggers who haven’t hung out a shingle; should readers assume their résumés are with Obama and Vilsack and Richardson? Are they for sale to the highest bidder? Or, to put it in a better light, to the candidate they decide is best for America?

This seems to be the danger. I am a regular contributor to BlueJersey — primarily because I am sympathetic to its generally progressive approach to politics. That said, some of its contributors align themselves too closely to the Democratic Party. I avoid those posts and only comment on policy issues and debates, staying away from local-, county- and state-level discussions of candidates (I have no qualms about discussions of national candidates). It is a difficult line to walk, but I’m comfortable for now with my approach.

My job is to use this blog and my others as an extension of the papers I edit and to share my views as openly as possible. When I find that blogging interferes with my independence as a journalist, then I’ll stop blogging.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick
The Cranbury Press Blog

Dispatches: State takes lead on warming

Dispatches is up — I didn’t link to the Post version yesterday because it was essentially the same as the one that ran last week in the Press. Today’s Press column is on the state’s efforts to fight global warming.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick
The Cranbury Press Blog

Toll sale would take its toll

The debate on selling off the state’s toll roads has begun.

The Assembly Transportation Committee began hearings today to discuss the misbegotten proposal — with many of the members rightly pointing out how it is less likely to fix our debt problems than exacerbate them.

Assemblyman John Wisniewski, D-Middlesex, the committee chairman, warned that any “monetization” plan would be similar to past borrowing schemes that have led to the state’s crushing debts. Selling or leasing state assets is now being promoted as a way to ease those burdens.

Wisniewski said a long-term privatization plan would still leave the public on the hook for billions of dollars of debt through higher tolls.

And this does not take into account the potential maintenance issues associated with a privatization plan.

As I’ve said before, end this debate now before we talk ourself into doing something dopey.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick

Tax reform, what tax reform?

I offer this commentary from New Jersey Policy Perspective, which arrived via e-mail today, in its entirety and unedited because it is worth reading. I really have little to add.

Whatever it was, it wasn’t tax reform

Maybe the best way to look at the “tax relief” package recently adopted by the Legislature is as the last act of the 2005 campaign, rather than the solution for New Jersey’s over-reliance on local property taxes to pay for government services and educating children.

Such a context makes it a bit easier to understand, and to accept on its own terms while recognizing that this is far from the reform New Jersey needs.

Candidate Jon Corzine ran for Governor with a promise to reduce property taxes, in response to his opponent’s having put forward a plan. In his first year in office, Governor Corzine made it clear that more had to be done to get the state’s finances in order before he could deliver on property taxes. In year two, he and the Legislature will be able to tell most New Jersey households that 20 percent will be knocked off their property taxes. Basing the amount of relief on income makes sense, and for most people we’re talking about a rather meaningful amount of money, at least for as long as the funding source holds up.

But now it’s time to get serious.

The special legislative session that produced 98 recommendations and laid the groundwork for the 20 percent reduction covered a lot of ground. There were flashes of vision and courage when it came to confronting the problems New Jersey inherently perpetuates by dividing itself into so many municipalities and school districts-an 18th century system ill-suited to today’s needs. Unfortunately, some of the boldest proposals (like a pilot program creating a countywide school district) wound up on the cutting room floor in the scramble to find enough votes for the tax relief.

What never seemed to make it into the mix-and needs to be there-is a long overdue, comprehensive look at New Jersey’s tax system. Only when that takes place will we find the way out of highest-in-the-nation property taxes. Often due to political concerns based on perception, not reality, and enflamed by misunderstandings and misrepresentations, key elements necessary for solving New Jersey’s tax mess are not being considered. The state income tax is a good example.

Much has been said about the top rate of New Jersey’s income tax being among the highest in the nation. But rarely is it pointed out that less than one percent of households make enough money to have to pay that rate. In fact, most in New Jersey don’t even pay the rate just below the top rate. Sort all of this out and you find that most New Jerseyans pay lower income tax than if they lived in New York State and much, much lower than if they lived in New York City. Most in New Jersey also pay less than if they lived in Pennsylvania.

The point here isn’t that any taxes in New Jersey are too low. It is, rather, to show there is much to be gained by considering the entire New Jersey tax system and looking for ways to put it in better balance. The income tax is much more closely tied than the property tax to one’s ability to pay. Your income goes down, so does your income tax, but that’s not true with property taxes. The value of your house can rise while income stays the same or falls, and you get a bigger tax bill though you are in no way better able to pay it.

During the debate in Trenton, some folks contended that it makes no sense to lower one tax by raising another. What actually makes no sense is that statement. Raising a fair tax to lower an unfair tax is a very good idea. If Trenton did nothing else that would be progress.

When we get beyond slogans and sound bites, New Jersey is left with this reality: we collect more from local property taxes than from the state sales and income taxes combined. It’s also true that the lower your income is in New Jersey the higher percentage of it you pay in the form of sales, income and property taxes combined. Real reform of the tax system would put all of this on the table. And it would also accept the fact that as bad as New Jersey’s tax system is (and it is) it is really a symptom of the larger problem: 566 municipalities and 613 school districts-an archaic, unsustainable structure more reminiscent of the Ottoman Empire than a 21st century state.

Real reform means looking not just at how much New Jersey spends, but where we spend it and who we call on to pay it. An honest assessment of tax burdens that squarely confronts who pays how much, and in which taxes, would point the way out of the morass. It would recognize the value of raising and spending more of our resources at the state and even county level and less locally. It’s the sort of thing that a tax convention made up of citizens would have no trouble contemplating but which elected politicians keep avoiding.

Whether you want to spend half as much as the state spends now, or twice as much, New Jersey needs a fair, adequate way to raise the money. We don’t have it now and we aren’t much closer to it than we were a month ago.

South Brunswick Post, The Cranbury Press
The Blog of South Brunswick