VP debate post-mortem 2

I think Sarah Palin probably calmed some of the fears being expressed by conservatives this week, but I have my doubts as to whether her performance did anything to convince the undecided voter. Joe Biden was strong and often passionate, while Palin was folksy and cliche-driven. I’d hope that most Americans could see through her facade.

I think she prefers this format to the one-on-one interviews she’s been doing, because it doesn’t allow for the direct follow-ups that have tripped her up recently. The debate actually allowed her to avoid answering a lot of questions.

VP debate post-mortem 1

Wow. Chris Matthews hit the two most important points — that Sarah Palin wants to explore an increased legislative role for the vice president and that she has no interest in dealing with the press (or even answer the questions that Gwen Ifill asked).

My sense in watching it was 1) that she had a short list of talking points and phrases and stayed with them as much as she could, 2) that she often fell into a garbled syntax that may indicate a lack of analytical skill, and 3) that a McCain-Palin administration is dangerous.

Market meltdown is best argument against privatizing Social Security

It has always been pretty clear to me that the notion that we could fix our retirement system by handing it over to Wall Street was, well, nuts.

Taking a relatively stable and secure retirement account and opening it to the vicissitudes of the market, which may have seemed like a good time when the Dow Jones Industrial Average was spiking up through the roof, always had a dark side — one we are witnessing now as the markets crumble and major investment firms bite the dust.

And while most Americans — to their credit — oppose the plan, keeping it from gaining any real traction in the political realm over the years, despite support of it — in one form or another — from politicians of both parties. But it hasn’t died, remaining a goal of conservatives — including Republican Presidential Candidate John McCain.

Here is the language from the national Republican platform:

We are committed to putting Social Security on a sound fiscal basis. Our society faces a profound demographic shift over the next twenty-five years, from today’s ratio of 3.3 workers for every retiree to only 2.1 workers by 2034. Under the current system, younger workers will not be able to depend on Social Security as part of their retirement plan. We believe the solution should give workers control over, and a fair return on, their contributions. No changes in the system should adversely affect any current or near-retiree. Comprehensive reform should include the opportunity to freely choose to create your own personal investment accounts which are distinct from and supplemental to the overall Social Security system.

McCain had long been a privatization proponent — though his approach has changed from strict privatization to a mix of the current system and private savings accounts tied to cuts in benefits. Here is an excerpt from a March story in The Wall Street Journal (I was alerted to this by OurFuture.org):

A centerpiece of a McCain presidential bid in 2000 was a plan to divert a portion of Social Security payroll taxes to fund private accounts, much as President Bush proposed unsuccessfully. Under the plan, workers could manage the money in stocks and bonds themselves to build a nest egg and, at retirement, also receive reduced Social Security payments from the government. Proponents say the combination of the nest egg and government payouts could give a retiree more than the current system, but opponents say the change would undermine the Social Security system.

Sen. McCain’s 2008 presidential campaign Web site takes a different view, proposing “supplementing” the existing full Social Security system with personally managed accounts. Such accounts wouldn’t substitute for guaranteed payments, and they wouldn’t be financed by diverting a portion of Social Security payroll taxes.

Mr. McCain’s chief economic aide, Douglas Holtz-Eakin, a former head of the Congressional Budget Office, says economic circumstances forced changes concerning Social Security policy. Vast budget surpluses projected in 2000 evaporated with a recession, the Bush tax cuts and the cost of responding to Sept. 11.

As a result, the McCain campaign says the candidate intends to keep Social Security solvent by reducing the growth in benefits over the coming decades to match projected growth in payroll tax revenues. Among the options are extending the retirement age to 68 and reducing cost-of-living adjustments, but the campaign hasn’t made any final decisions.

“You can’t keep promises made to retirees,” says Mr. Holtz-Eakin, referring to the level of benefits the government is supposed to pay future retirees. “But you can pay future retirees more than current retirees.”

Asked about the apparent change in position in the interview, Sen. McCain said he hadn’t made one. “I’m totally in favor of personal savings accounts,” he says. When reminded that his Web site says something different, he says he will change the Web site. (As of Sunday night, he hadn’t.) “As part of Social Security reform, I believe that private savings accounts are a part of it — along the lines that President Bush proposed.”

And that’s the key line — “along the lines that President Bush proposed.” Here is what the president proposed in 2005, when he pushed hard for his version of reform:

As we fix Social Security, we must make it a better deal for our younger workers by allowing them to put part of their payroll taxes in personal retirement accounts.

  • Personal accounts would be entirely voluntary.
  • The money would go into a conservative mix of bond and stock funds that would have the opportunity to earn a higher rate of return than anything the current system could provide.
  • A young person who earns an average of $35,000 a year over his or her career would have nearly a quarter million dollars saved in his or her own account upon retirement.
  • That savings would provide a nest egg to supplement that worker’s traditional Social Security check, or to pass on to his or her children.
  • Best of all, it would replace the empty promises of the current system with real assets of ownership.
Hmm. “Bond and stock funds.” “Assets of ownership.” Isn’t that what has been swirling down the drain over the last month?

I don’t raise this out of the blue. The Wall Street Journal wrote about this last week and the Obama campaign has been hitting McCain on the Social Security issue of late. OurFuture.org, though, has offered the toughest critique, along with a report explaining the impact that a privatization scheme would have on retirees.

The main findings are that for future generations, Social Security privatization would:

  • Cut lifetime benefits by $240,264
  • Make 8.6 million senior citizens vulnerable to poverty.

And these numbers do not even reflect the recent volatility of the markets.

American workers shouldn’t have to face this kind of uncertainty. The cautionary tale is before us — listen to this NPR Morning Edition report on soon-to-be retirees who thought they would live off their savings and investments, but whom the experts now council to “keep on working.”

Strange bedfellows, part two

There were 25 “no” votes on the Wall Street bailout, most of whom were Republicans. But as with the Monday vote in the House, nine Democrats and one independent balked:

  • Maria Cantwell, of Washington
  • Byron Dorgan, of North Dakota
  • Russ Feingold, of Wisconsin
  • Tim Johnson, of South Dakota
  • Mary Landrieu, of Louisiana
  • Bill Nelson, of Florida
  • Bernie Sanders, of Vermont (the independent)
  • Debbie Stabenow, of Michigan
  • Jon Tester, of Montana
  • Ron Wyden, of Oregon

Here is Feingold on the bailout, from The Nation:

“It fails to offset the cost of the plan, leaving taxpayers to bear the burden of serious lapses of judgment by private financial institutions, their regulators, and the enablers in Washington who paved the way for this catastrophe by removing the safeguards that had protected consumers and the economy since the great depression,” said Feingold. “The bailout legislation also fails to reform the flawed regulatory structure that permitted this crisis to arise in the first place. And it doesn’t do enough to address the root cause of the credit market collapse, namely the housing crisis. Taxpayers deserve a plan that puts their concerns ahead of those who got us into this mess.”

And here are Sanders’ comments:

“The bailout package is far better than the absurd proposal originally presented to us by the Bush administration, but is still short of where we should be,” argued Sanders. “If a bailout is needed, if taxpayer money must be placed at risk, if we are going to bail out Wall Street, it should be those people who have caused the problem, those people who have benefited from President Bush’s tax breaks for millionaires and billionaires, those people who have taken advantage of deregulation who should pick up the tab, not ordinary working people.”

These 10 joined with 15 conservative Republicans in tilting at the Wall Street windmills.

Alabama Senator Richard Shelby, a Republican who has been a key player on banking issues and who actually had the wisdom to oppose the deregulation moves of the late 1990s that helped create the current crisis, told senator Senate were in the process of having “failed the American people” by acting hastily.

“I agree we need to do something,” said Shelby. “[But] we haven’t spent any time figuring out whether we’ve picked the best choice.”

This odd coalition defeated the bailout in the House and may again — though the so-called “sweeteners” might draw just enough Congressmen to drag the bailout to passage.