Wilco drops in a month

Wilco’s newest — and seventh — album, a self-titled disc, hits the stores June 30 and it promises to be a different experience than its previous six. This review in the Chicago Sun-Times, which says the disc offers a summation of a career, is a good one. (A stream of the disc will be available on a sporadic basis until the disc comes out on Wilcoworld.net.)

Track listing:

1. Wilco (the song); 2. Deeper Down; 3. One Wing; 4. Bull Black Nova; 5. You And I; 6. You Never Know; 7. Country Disappeared; 8. Solitaire; 9. I’ll Fight; 10. Sonny Feeling; 11. Everlasting Everything

Stake through the heart of MOM

Finally, after more years than any of us can count, NJ Transit has done what the agency should have done long ago — it has ended debate over the MOM line and will run the rail link to Red Bank.

It is a compromise plan, one that recognizes several realities:

  • The Monmouth Junction line was the most expensive to build, by far.
  • The greatest need for the line was in Monmouth and Ocean counties.
  • Middlesex County was not going to back down and NJ Transit had expressed an unwillingness in the past to move forward without consensus.

Hence, the compromise:

“Each of the three counties have different needs; it’s what could everyone live with,” said Ocean County Freeholder James F. Lacey. “The bottom line is Ocean County needed a rail line. Middlesex County had concerns about it going through their county. We needed something good for the region and the state that we could afford.”

This is, to put it mildly, a victory for the folks in Jamesburg, Monroe and South Brunswick, who refused to give up and continued fighting even as the Monmouth and Ocean County pols continued their own push.

With the compromise in place, NJ Transit can get to work on a much needed rail line and Middlesex County homeowners can rest a bit easier.

No surprise: Flat tax is a bad tax

Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Lonegan is just being honest. And that’s the problem. Lonegan, a hardened conservative who is running well behind front-runner Chris Christie, is pushing a 2.9 percent flat tax as a replacement for what he calls “the state’s destructive and progressive income tax.”

He contends that the current system drives high-earners from the state and that

his plan will keep those top income earners in New Jersey, while creating jobs and better salaries for everyone else.

That is debatable, of course. What is not debatable, however, is this:

it’s the lower-income earners, many of whom are counted as strong Democratic voters, who would do worse immediately under Lonegan’s plan, according to state tax data.

A couple earning the state’s median income of $67,000 would pay $1,943 in income taxes under Lonegan’s plan, nearly 60 percent more than the $1,221.50 charged under the state’s current income tax system.

At $23,000, Lonegan’s income tax bill of $667 doubles the current $332.50 bill for both singles and married couples.

These lower-income tax brackets made up the majority of the income taxpayers in 2006, with more than 2.3 million tax filers making under the median income of $67,000.

Upper-income folks, on the other hand, would make out like bandits.

A review of tax data compiled by the New Jersey Department of Treasury indicates the state’s highest income earners — in many cases traditionally strong Republican supporters — would fare best under Lonegan’s flat tax.

Right now, married couples earning more than $150,000 pay at least $5,512 in income taxes and a rate of 6.37 percent on every dollar they make from $150,000 to $500,000, where the next tax bracket begins.

Under Lonegan’s plan, the couple earning $150,000 would pay just $4,350. That would be the same for a single tax filer, who now pays $7,428.

And the tax cuts that could come under Lonegan’s plan are even more dramatic as incomes increase. A family earning $1 million would have a $73,657 income tax bill drop to $29,000 under Lonegan’s plan.

The margins are even wider when compared with Corzine’s recent proposal to hike the tax on incomes of $1 million or more to 10.75 percent, which would be among the highest in the nation.

In 2006, the last year for which the state has complete tax data, taxpayers in New Jersey’s two highest-income tax brackets provided more than $5 billion of the total $9 billion collected by the income tax.

Lonegan doesn’t dispute this. In fact, he told The Star-Ledger that “lower-income residents can afford to pay a few hundred dollars more to foster an economic climate that would improve their chances of landing a high-paying job.”

“There will be consequences,” he said, but “in this current economy, there’s no opportunity.”

Christie, the former federal prosecutor, is promising his own across-the-board tax cut, but is offering no details — a strategy he hopes will allow him to take advantage of dissatisfaction with Gov. Jon Corzine’s fiscal policies. Promising a tax cut without offering even the vaguest details on how he plans to pay for the tax cut is irresponsible and dangerous to the state’s long-term fiscal health.

Christie may be offering a plan that can address the state’s faltering economy and heal its failing fiscal health (my sense is that it is not). We just don’t know — and we can’t judge it fairly until he puts the hard numbers on the table, something he has been unwilling to do so far.

The state’s fiscal situation must be treated as the No. 1 issue in this gubernatorial campaign. We know what Corzine would do because we’ve watched him do it for going on four years with mix results. But he has been honest about what we face and the kinds of sacrifices that we all will need to make to put our house back in order.

The state’s budget remains a mess and he deserves as much blame as anyone, though we also should acknowledge that he much of the mess was inherited, created by a bipartisan group of governors and legislators who opted to avoid confrontation.

It remains to be seen, at this point, whether any of Corzine’s potential opponents are willing to address the budget question honestly, whether they understand that cutting revenue — which is what happens when you cut taxes — can only be accomplished by slashing programs that are popular to some piece of the electorate. It is not enough to talk about waste — cutting waste and corruption should always be a goal, but does anyone really believe that it will yield enough savings to keep from inflicting pain elsewhere?

Their public statements to date indicate — to me, at least — that they are offering more of the same pie-in-the-sky promises that got us into this mess in the first place.

Court backs Corzine on school funding

Abbott v. Burke is officially history. The long-running battle over how to best fund the 30 so-called Abbott districts — low-income communities dubbed “special needs” districts by the court — has been resolved, with the state Supreme Court backing Gov. Jon Corzine’s school funding revisions.

The new formula, which went into effect last year, ties aid to students, rather than school districts, meaning that state school funding is being more broadly distributed than in the past.

The court, in its 5-0 ruling, found that the Corzine funding formula met the court’s long-time goal “to ensure that the constitutional guarantee of a thorough and efficient system of public education becomes a reality for those students who live in municipalities where there are concentrations of poverty and crime” and that the state provide all students “the opportunity for san unhindered start in life — to become a productive and contributing citizen to our society.”

In the syllabus accompanying the decision, the court said

The political branches are entitled to take reasoned steps to address the pressing social, economic, and educational challenges confronting the state, without being locked in a constitutional straightjacket. A costing-out study such as that engaged in by the State is rife with policy choices that are legitimately in the legislature’s domain. In the record below, each value judgment attacked was demonstrated to have been made in good faith, and on the basis of available factual data informed by advice from experts whose testimony revealed that they had the interests of the pupils in mind. The Court sees no reason or basis for it to second-guess the extraordinarily complex education funding determinations that went into the formulation of the many moving parts to this funding formula. The Court recognizes, however, that it does not have the ability to see ahead and to know with certainty that SFRA will work as well as it is designed to work. Although there is no absolute guarantee that SFRA will achieve the intended results of its design, the Court concludes that SFRA deserves the chance to demonstrate in practice that, as designed, it satisfies the requirements of the State Constitution.

The decision appears a sound one, though I still believe that the state is underfunding schools and that, rather than shifting money from the Abbott districts to other districts, the state should have significantly increased the amount it provides, leaving the urban districts whole while adding money for the rest of the state’s schools.

This, of course, would not be an easy thing to accomplish in a state as fiscally broken as New Jersey, especially during an economic meltdown. But it would have been in the longterm best interests of the state’s schools and could have helped ease some of the local property tax burdens being carried by the state’s residents.

Doggie diaries: The story of Rosie and Sophie The big dig (or dirty deeds)

Apparently, puppies, a patio and planters do not mix very well. What a mess!

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