Playing politics with principle

I would applaud the governor if I thought he would go to bat for a school board member who was censured for being critical of the state’s education cuts. He’s right that the board should have let the school board member have her say, even if I disagree with what she had to say.

My suspicion, unfortunately, is that the governor is not interested in defending the rights of school board members to speak their minds, but only of those members that speak their minds and back his causes.

Gov. Chris Christie is nothing if not brutally political, to a degree well beyond any governor in my memory.

I love pitching

Everyone who follows baseball knows that for a long time the two leagues have had different strengths, with the AL being known for its hitting and the NL being known for its pitching. The differences, while apparent, have not been drastic in recent years, narrowed by a number of factors (steroids, expansion diluting pitching, park size).

Until this year, that is, which has witnessed a rebirth of pitching dominance in the National League. Here we are, about 60 games into the season — almost 40 percent — and just one hitter in the NL is on a pace to hit more than 40 homeruns (Corey Hart in Milwaukee), with just nine others in line to pass the 30 mark. Recent years finished like this: 2008, 40-plus, 2/30-plus, 14; 2007, 50-plus, 1/40-plus, 3/30-plus 15; 2006, 1/7/14.

Earned Run Averages also have shown a drop. In 2006, just one pitcher — Roy Oswalt — finished with an ERA under 3.00 and, in 2007, Jake Peavey was the lone pitcher under 3.00. In 2008, four pitchers were under 3.00. Last year, there was a huge jump, with eight pitchers finishing below 3.00. right now, there are 17 pitchers in the NL with ERAs under 3.00, four of which are under 2.00 and one — Usbaldo Jimenez, of Colorado (COLORADO!) — under 1.00.

The top three scoring teams in baseball are in the AL, four of five and six of eight. On the flip side, five of the top six teams (and seven of nine) in ERA are NL teams.

As a National League baseball watcher and lover of good pitching, I find the trend heartening — especially having just watched the young Jon Niese toss a one-hit shutout against San Diego.

A message to the Democrats

Glenn Greenwald today makes it clear just why a viable third party or alternative, progressive political force is necessary. We can’t trust the Democrats to do what’s right — as if eight years of Bill Clinton and the party’s complicity in getting us mired in Iraq weren’t enough proof — when Democrats are willing to go to bat for corporatists like Blanche Lincoln (who repaid Barack Obama and Bill Clinton’s support during her primary fight by spitting in their face on climate change). This is an argument I’ve been making on and off for a long time.

And it was important that progressives not bow to the party hierarchy, that they band together to send a message to people like Lincoln (and Ben Nelson, Mary Landrieux and, if needed, Barack Obama).

The message was the point of the Bill Halter challenge, as he explains.

The point here, speaking just for myself, was not to put Bill Halter in the Senate. While I am convinced Halter would have at least been marginally better than Lincoln (he certainly couldn’t have been worse), I don’t know if he would have been substantially better. Nor was the point an ideological one — the real conflict in politics is not Left v. Right or liberal v. conservative, but rather, insider v. outsider. Lincoln’s sin isn’t an ideological one, but the fact that she’s a corporatist servant of the permanent factions that rule Washington. The purpose here was to remove Lincoln from the Senate, or, failing that, at least impose a meaningful cost on her for her past behavior. That goal was accomplished, and as a result, Democratic incumbents at least know there is a willing, formidable coalition that now exists which can and will make any primary challenge credible, expensive and potentially crippling — even if it doesn’t ultimately succeed. That makes it just a bit more difficult for Democratic incumbents to faithfully serve corporate interests at the expense of their constituents, or at least to do so with total impunity.

Beyond that benefit, the very significant divisions within the Party become a bit more crystallized as a result of this episode. In response to the White House’s complaint that unions did not spend their money to help Democratic incumbents, an AFL-CIO official angrily replied: “Labor isn’t an arm of the Democratic Party.” Of course, that’s exactly what much of labor has been up to this point, but the realization that the interests of the Party and these unions are wildly divergent will hopefully change that. There’s clearly a growing recognition among many progressives generally that devotion to the Democratic Party not only fails to promote, but actively undermines, their agenda (ACLU Executive Directory Anthony Romero yesterday began his speech to a progressive conference with this proclamation: “I’m going to start provocatively . . . I’m disgusted with this president”). Anything that helps foster that realization — and I believe this Lincoln/Halter primary did so — is beneficial.

That is really the key point: it should be apparent to any rational observer that confining oneself to the two-party system — meaning devoting oneself loyally to one of the two parties’ establishments without regard to what it does — is a ticket to inevitable irrelevance. The same factions rule Washington no matter which of the two parties control the various branches of government (see this excellent new article from Rolling Stone’s Tim Dickinson on the Obama administration’s role in the BP oil spill, and specifically how virtually nothing changed in the oil-industry-controlled Interior Department once Ken Salazar took over [as was quite predictable and predicted]; Interior employees even refer to it as “the third Bush term”). There is clearly a need for new strategies and approaches that involve things other than unconditional fealty to the Democratic Party, which weigh not only the short-term political fears that are exploited to keep Democrats blindly loyal (hey, look over there! It’s Sarah Palin!) but also longer-term considerations (the need to truly change the political process and the stranglehold the two parties exert). In sum, any Party whose leaders are this desperate to keep someone like Blanche Lincoln in the Senate is not one that merits any loyalty.

The deck, however, is stacked right now against third parties — which is something I think this country desperately needs. First-past-the-post elections, combined with the massive amount of corporate cash and the privileges accorded political parties, ensures that challenges from the left or right that come from outside the party structure are doomed to failure.

However, we have to get past this notion that by voting for the third-party challenger — or by voting for a challenger in a primary — we are weakening the least worst and ensuring a win by the worst. Least worst too often turns out to be bad enough.

The fact remains that corporations win regardless of whether the Democrats or the Republicans are in the White House or control Congress. The pro-corporate legislation that helped create the current financial crisis — and the S&L debacle before it — was decidedly bipartisan, as was the deregulation of the energy sector, the lowering of the top-tier income tax rate and flattening of its progressiveness (thanks Bill Bradley). A Democratic president gave us welfare reform, Nafta and GATT. And so it goes.

People who call themselves progressives or liberals or leftists make a huge mistake when they hitch their wagons to the Democrats come hell or high water. The American left, or what passes for it, must begin to recognize that there are good Democrats and bad Democrats and that the bad ones must be held accountable for the bad votes they’ve cast. The left is too often taken for granted by Democratic leaders who think progressives have nowhere else to go. It has to demonstrate that its votes matter.

Nothing affordable about this housing reform

New Jersey’s low-income residents looking for housing can stop looking for affordable housing. It is not going to be built anytime soon.

The state Senate today passed S1, legislation sponsored by Sen. Raymond Lesniak, D-union, an awful piece of legislation that panders to the longstanding antipathy suburban communities have had toward the state’s affordable housing requirements since their inception in the 1980s.

The bill, which passed today by a 28-3 vote, claims to meet the requirements of two state Supreme Court rulings — Mount Laurel I and II — and the state laws adopted in their wake, while essentially gutting the state’s affordable housing program.

The bill prohibits towns from imposing development fees on non-residential development, effectively severing the connection between jobs created and housing need and making it impossible for towns to even acknowledge that they should make housing available for the people who work in the warehouses they all seem to want. (Warehouses are considered clean ratables that cost little, but generate lots of local taxes.)

The bill also does away with the Council on Affordable Housing, transferring authority to the Department of Community Affairs, which would be directed to help towns create housing opportunities. DCA, however, will not have the ability to impose numbers on towns; instead, the bill offers a series of set-aside targets, but leaves it to towns to manage — which makes local mayors happy and leaves it unlikely that suburban communities will actually build housing for low-income people.

The governor, of course, is happy with the vote.

“The legislation passed by the Senate today eliminates COAH and goes a long way toward fundamentally reforming the affordable housing system which New Jerseyans have long demanded and that I have promised to deliver,” the governor said in a statement.

But this is not reform; it is abolition. Rather than replace COAH with a new system designed to get housing built in an expeditious manner while ensuring that towns do not use zoning as a way to further exacerbate the racial, ethnic and class segregation that plagues this state, Bill S1 is just a sop to the suburban voters who swung the last election to Christie.

Peter Kasabach, executive director of New Jersey Future, a group that advocated intelligent planning and development in the state and has been an advocate for affordable housing, offered a blunt assessment in a written statement that I received via e-mail earlier this afternoon:

We have little doubt that the good folks looking to re-shape the state’s affordable-housing policy are doing so with their own reasonable intentions. Unfortunately, the product of these intentions, embodied in the just-passed S-1 legislation, creates an affordable-housing system that can only be described as a non-affordable housing system. The current proposal will: 1) produce fewer opportunities for low- and moderate-income households, and has the strong possibility of creating absolutely no opportunities at all; 2) generate less funding to subsidize housing; and 3) remove any accountability from the state or towns to even attempt to create affordable housing, let alone actually produce any.

He said that the bill “relies on local good will to generate housing that isn’t being produced by the market” and that “the Senate has thrown out the baby, the bathwater and the tub.”

This may be viewed by some people as a necessary and radical re-thinking of affordable housing, but that would be the case only if the new system had some chance of producing affordable housing, especially near jobs and transportation choices. We have repeatedly asked those involved to explain how the new system will result in more affordable-housing opportunities (or any opportunities, for that matter), and we have yet to receive a cogent answer.

This is not a surprise, given that the backers of this bill have no answer to this question.

Just as troubling is that the bill will create a web of conflicts and counterintuitive results, according to Kevin Walsh, of the Fair Share Housing Center, an advocacy group in Cherry Hill. He told the Philadelphia Inquirer before the vote that the bill “is going to lead to strange results, like wealthy municipalities getting off the hook and older towns that already have their fair share of affordable housing being expected to do more.”

Rural towns, according to environmental advocates, are hit hardest by the new rules, or as hard as they can be given the toothlessness of the bill.

“All these places with more trees than people aren’t exempt,” despite the fact that they are not near jobs, noted Jeff Tittel, director of the New Jersey Sierra Club.

The bill now goes to the Assembly, but I have little hope that anyone in that august body will do anything to stop it. Then it is off to the governor to be signed into law — unless the state Supreme Court steps in, as it should, and stops the entire effort in its tracks.

In the end, the legislation is nothing but a disgusting bit of pandering that will leave low-income people in the lurch, where politicians always leave them.

(Under the Fair Housing analysis, a number of Central Jersey towns would be exempt from the rather weak housing requirements proposed under S1, many of which already were exempt: Bordentown City, Bordentown Township, North Hanover and New Hanover in Burlington County; Stockton Borough in Hunterdon County; East Windsor, Hightstown, Lawrence and the Princetons in Mercer County; Jamesburg in Middlesex County; and Manville in Somerset County. This list only includes towns covered by our papers.)