The mirage of acceptable risk

The nuclear disaster in Japan — caused by a historic earthquake that triggered a tsunami — should be calling into question the growing consensus that nuclear power can be a safe and cost-effective energy source that can allow us to move away from fossil fuels.

We have been hearing lots of talk about acceptable risk and cost-benefit analyses — a Slate podcast had left and right in agreement opposing alarmist overreaction.

Floyd Norris, in The New York Tomes, warns against the complacency that the acceptable risk mantra can cause.

Each case — a collapse of house prices and a cascade of problems threatening a large release of radiation — was viewed as so improbable that it could be virtually ignored in considering risks. Those who counseled otherwise were viewed as alarmists.

What was not considered sufficiently, perhaps, is just how serious an unlikely risk may be. If it is bad enough, the risk may not be worth taking, no matter how good the odds. There is a reason people do not play Russian roulette, even if the odds are highly favorable. It is a game you lose only once.

And that’s the issue — or one of the issues. When a nuke plant fails, even if it is rare, the fallout is a massive human toll, in immediate deaths and longer-term damage. That to me is unacceptable.

Lines in the political sand

The lines are going to shift. That much we know. And once they do, it is likely that the Democrats will still control a majority of legislative districts in the state — that’s what Patrick Murray thinks, anyway.

The map he included with his latest blog entry — one based on a memo purportedly distributed by Alan Rosenthal, the Rutgers professor who will be the deciding 11th vote on the redistricting commission.

Murray says that Rosenthal has set his sights on stability, meaning that he will push the commission to avoid large-scale changes. The memo, he says, outlines five basic standards: population range, contiguity, compactness and avoiding municipal splits, and “contiguity of representation.’

Taken together, Murray says, the standards “allow for very little change to the current map.” And that, he says, is consistent with Rosenthal’s writings. He calls this believe “the money card in Rosenthal’s standards”:

Rosenthal defines this as incumbents facing a familiar electorate. In other words, incumbents should be drawn into districts where the majority of voters are already represented by them. You could also call this the de minimis rule – any change should not be consequential to the current system as a whole. Anyone who has worked with Dr. Rosenthal or read his published works on state legislatures will not be surprised by how much he values this type of continuity.

The problem, as Murray points out, is that Rosenthal has little interest in competitiveness (neither party is interested in competitiveness; they would prefer to see uncompetitive districts that protect as many of their own as they can draw). In a state with few competitive districts — the 14th, the 12th, maybe one or two others and this assumes a rather loose definition of competitive — that leave entrenched power in place.

Power shifts are rare in the state — Democrats took control in the 1970s after Watergate and Republicans took control temporarily in the early 1990s in reaction to the Florio tax hike and watched their majority slowly slipped away.

The redistricting discussion is treated as a partisan debate, but it should be viewed as a chance to improve representation, to expand democratic opportunities. If that means a shift in party power, then so be it.

Locally, it appears, the 12th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th and 18th districts — which cover most of central New Jersey — are likely to see significant change. South Brunswick is likely to be moved, as is Monroe, but it is unclear where they will end up. If Plainsboro stays put — and it should remain connected to West Windsor — then Linda Greenstein will be losing a large chunk of her voters. South Brunswick’s power could grow if moved to a district that includes the other Brunswicks, because it would mean most of the towns would be about the same size.

The “De Minimus” map I’ve included with this post has South Brunswick, Monroe, East Brunswick and Franklin making up a new district. What’s left of the current 14th would be filled out with East Windsor, Hightstown, Robbinsville and Millstone; the 15th would get southern Hunterdon County and so on.

The more competitive map favored by Murray (left) would pair Hamilton and Trenton in a new 14th filled out with parts of Monmouth and Burlington counties; South Brunswick would move to the 17th with Franklin and North and New Brunswick; East Brunswick, Old Bridge and Monroe would make up part of a new 40th district.

Is this better? Hard to say. It certainly shifts more bodies around, but does it create better representation? Murray thinks so.

In any case, maybe the lines mean a lot less than we think. Maybe we just need a better class of candidate.

  • Send me an e-mail.
  • Read poetry at The Subterranean.
  • Certainties and Uncertainties a chapbook by Hank Kalet, will be published in November by Finishing Line Press. It can be ordered here.
  • Suburban Pastoral, a chapbook by Hank Kalet, available here.

Overreacting and the First Amendment

Protesters from the Westboro Baptist Church are not my favorite people in the world, but they have the same First Amendment rights as the rest of us regardless of the nonsense they spew or where they spew it.

But are there limits to their rights to protest — including how close they can get to their targets?

A Maryland congressman believes the answer is yes. Dutch Ruppersberger, a Maryland Democrat, “introduced legislation that would prohibit protests five hours before and five hours after military funerals, and force protestors to gather at least 2,500 feet away from the event.”

The rules, he says, “would preserve the protestors’ right to free speech without harassing the military families.”

“I didn’t like the Supreme Court decision, but I understood it,” Ruppersberger said. “But the court has recognized the right to regulate the time and place of those protests — if it’s reasonable. And I think it’s reasonable to have these families come and go to the funeral without being impacted by the protests.”

The rules, however, would render any protest moot by pushing protesters about a half mile away from their targets and using time restrictions to delink the protests from their targets. So while restrictions might be permissible, these would seem to be extreme and designed to strip the protests of their effectiveness.

Federal law already imposes restrictions on protests at military cemeteries — one hour and 500 feet — that are far less onerous and do a better job of balancing free-speech and assembly rights against the right to privacy, which is the conflict at the heart of this debate.

Any infringement on the First Amendment must be limited and must not violate its spirit. The Ruppersberger bill goes too far.
 

  • Send me an e-mail.
  • Read poetry at The Subterranean.
  • Certainties and Uncertainties a chapbook by Hank Kalet, will be published in November by Finishing Line Press. It can be ordered here.
  • Suburban Pastoral, a chapbook by Hank Kalet, available here.

Poetry and electric guitars: Lucinda live in Red Bank

Lucinda Williams learned a lot from her father.

The country-rock songstress — is it country or rock or some other genre? — is one of the few songwriters who can rightfully claim to be a poet of the pop song, crafting lyrics of detail and exquisite wordplay that demonstrate a direct link to her father, the poet Miller Williams.

Last night’s set at the Count Basie Theater in Red Bank offered a cross-section of her career and a healthy dose of songs from her fine new record, Blessed, possibly her best recording in a half dozen years (and that says a lot).

And there were a lot of loud, guitars — courtesy of the great Val McAllum, who took over lead guitar responsibilities for Lucinda several years ago when she brought Buick 6 on board as her backing band. While I loved Doug Pettibone’s playing, McAllum has more range and seems more willing to expand the songs, to take them to a new place live. McAllum’s expansive, electric playing never overpowered the band — anchored by the fabulous Butch Norton on drums and steady David Sutton on bass.

Set list (as tweeted during the show):

    1 & 2: “It’s Over” and “People Talkin'” to start
    3: “2 Cool 2 B Forgotten”
    4: Guitar solo on “Tears of Joy” wow
    5: “Pineola” — after five shows. A dreadful, powerful story. Amazing.
    8-11: Bunch of the new: “Don’t Know How You’re Living”; “Copenhagen”; “Born to be Loved”; “Convince Me” 
    12 & 13: “Out of Touch” w/guitar solo followed by heavy blues of “Unsuffer Me” 
    15: Fats Domino cover — “I Live My Life” 
    16: Oops — words forgotten to “Righteously”! 
    17 & 18: “Change the Locks” & “Honey Bee” — guitar slinging 
    19: Encore: “Blessed” 
    20: From Essence “Get Right with God”, w/Dylan LeBlanc (An aside: If LeBlanc would have shown a third of the energy he displayed with the guitar on this song during his opening set….) 
    21: We found her “Joy” in Jersey! 
    22: “For What It’s Worth” for the Wisconsin protestors — encore 2 (actually, for all workers)

  • Read poetry at The Subterranean.
  • Certainties and Uncertainties a chapbook by Hank Kalet, will be published in November by Finishing Line Press. It can be ordered here.
  • Suburban Pastoral, a chapbook by Hank Kalet, available here.

To open: Cliches and acoustic guitars

Dylan LeBlanc opened for Lucinda Williams tonight in Red Bank and offered evidence as to the pretentiousness of the folk revival movement.

With his wobbly tenor and competent guitar playing, he projected the image of a folkie without any of the necessary energy. It is not enough to have long hair and be able to finger pick. You still need to be interesting.

Consider him exhibit A for the prosecution in the case of the People v. the Folk Revival