Bangladesh factories are bad, but the system is worse

A story in today’s New York Times examines the failures of foreign governments — and the American companies that have chosen to do business in those countries — to look out for the well being of workers.

Focusing on the corporate hand-wringing that has followed the building collapse last week in Bangladesh that killed more than 400 factory workers, the story recounts efforts by Western companies who have contracted with third-party producers there to “to address public concerns about working conditions.”

Benetton repeatedly revised its accounts of goods produced at one of the factories, while officials at Gap, the Children’s Place and other retailers huddled to figure out how to improve conditions, and some debated whether to remain in Bangladesh at all.

And the Walt Disney Company — perhaps the most symbolically American firm in the world — in the process of leaving Bangladesh and creating a set of guidelines for choosing the countries to which it will outsource its factory work.

These efforts are important. As The Times points out,

Bangladesh has some of the lowest wages in the world, its government is eager to lure Western companies and their jobs, and many labor groups want those big corporations to stay to improve conditions, not cut their losses and run.

The question, according to the story, is how to balance the need for cheaper foreign labor and the ability to provide jobs in the Third World with the moral imperative to ensure that workers are not putting lives on the line to produce licensed sweatshirts and baseball hats. There are ongoing efforts, for instance, to certify working conditions to assure businesses and consumers that they are not doing business with the bad actors. And to the degree that these efforts are — or can be — successful, they deserve praise.

The problem is that there will always be a ceiling on how successful these efforts can be. Capitalism — especially its American corporate variant — is designed structurally to thwart these voluntary efforts. The structural focus of corporate capitalism is on profit. We get there simply by finding ways to maximize our resources — to slash our costs as much as possible to keep prices down while also generating profit.

The logic of this system, therefore, drives corporations to push costs down — which has traditionally meant fending off unions and shifting factories from higher-wage locations with strong regulations and union representation to areas without. Initially, that meant shipping jobs from cities like Trenton, Paterson and Newark south to Alabama, Mississippi and other states with environments more conducive to unregulated corporate behavior.

These initial moves, made possible by a counter-productive competition among states, lowered wages and saved companies money. But they were not permanent. Corporate leaders quickly realized that they could pay workers in Mexico far less than they could pay even the low-wage workers in Alabama — and then that the workers in Bangladesh could be paid even less. This has created two major problems — a brutal race to the bottom for wages for all workers and a complete disregard by these companies for the impacts of their actions.

As I said, there have been campaigns — often successful — to get corporations to change their behavior. McDonalds did away with Styrofoam containers and Disney is tightening its rules on contracting, but these campaigns only nibble at the edge of the larger problem, which is a lack of a globalized union movement strong enough to beat back globalized corporate capitalism.

Workers need to be empowered not only to negotiate wages, but to engage head on the damaging behavior of the world’s corporate culture. The playing field is tilted badly now in favor of the investor class. Workers need to balance this out.

Workers of the world unite, as the saying goes. It is the only chance we have.

NJ Spotlight: The Christie anti-violence plan

Watch live streaming video from governorchrischristie at livestream.com

I have a new piece up at NJ Spotlight on the governor’s anti-violence plan released Friday. The piece outlines the governor’s approach, which focuses only nominally on enhancing gun control, and gives both supporters and critics a chance to weigh in.

My own sense is that the critics are right — at least partially. There is much good in the plan — the increased penalties and new criminal statutes for gun-related crimes and the improvements in the background checks will help, as will the attention to mental-health issues. The emphasis on video games, however, is misplaced (and, despite the great focus he placed on it, rather minor).

The focus on the governor — and to an extent the more comprehensive Assembly package — obscures a very real point that the governor has been making. New Jersey’s gun laws had been the second toughest in the nation before the Sandy Hook massacre (we probably rank fifth or sixth now that Connecticut, New York and a few other states have changed their laws) and, yet, our urban areas continue to deal with gun violence. State-level laws are not going to fix this, despite the governor’s support for state’s rights during Friday’s press conference. There needs to be a national standard that prevents the sale of certain kinds of firearms and limits purchases, otherwise efforts to crack down on trafficking and to control the flow of guns into states like New Jersey will fail.

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Socialism is organized compassion

Take one part rock ‘n’ roll show, one part stand-up comedy act and one part political rally and what do you get? Billy Bragg in concert.

Bragg’s two-hour set swung from his fiery political songs to some of rock’s tenderest love songs with stops along the way to press for universal health care, defend workers’ rights and criticize conservative media.

He was preaching to the choir — myself included.

But it was the music that drove the night as Bragg surveyed his vast catalogue with a healthy dose of songs from his fine new album, Tooth & Nail.

Fight the cynicism, he said, not just of Fox News and its brethren in the conservative media, but within ourselves. Resist the urge to give up.

With Bragg offering the soundtrack, how could we.

Return of the compromiser in chief

And so the disappointment begins.

President Barack Obama appears ready to put a budget plan on the table that offers more of the same — which is to say he is willing to damage some of the nation’s most successful and important programs in order to save them.

President Obama will release a budget next week that proposes significant cuts to Medicare and Social Security and fewer tax hikes than in the past, a conciliatory approach that he hopes will convince Republicans to sign onto a grand bargain that would curb government borrowing and replace deep spending cuts that took effect March 1.

The argument here is that the budget will make the president seem reasonable, that he is the man navigating the debates between two extremes — essentially, the adult in a room full of kids.

The problem is his analysis of the problem. He is not navigating among extremes. There is one extreme (the GOP plan to slash and burn government and protect the rich) and a reasonable direction forward. The left is not offering an extreme plan. The House Progressive budget, for instance, moves toward balance in the future without castrating progressive principles or gutting important programs.

But this is what Obama has done since taking office. The problem I’ve had with the president since his initial candidacy — since the publication of his book The Audacity of Hope — is that his primary philosophical sensibility has nothing to do with political principle. He is not the leftist the crazed folks on the right paint him to be. He’s not even what I would call an ideological centrist. That would imply a sense of ideology. He is and always has been a man committed conciliation and compromise at all costs. That puts him at a disadvantage when dealing with the right’s extremism.

The result, in practical terms, has been a willingness to compromise before the negotiations even begin (see healthcare) and a more dangerous tendency to sacrifice the things his base believe in. It is compromise for the sake of compromise.

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